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최이돈(Choi Ih don) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.71
Examined in this article, are the social statuses of the Yeok-ri(clerks working at roadway stations) and Yeom-gan(workers at the salt farms) figures who lived in the early days of the Joseon dynasty. In earlier studies, their status was determined as a peculiar one, compared to that of the other kinds of people who were categorized in the same 'ordinary people' class, but considering the fact that they(Yeok-ri or Yeom-gan) were ultimately referred to as 'ordinary people', their official status was designated as 'ordinary people' as well by the scholars. Yet previous studies of the 'ordinary people' also determined that a wider definition of the 'ordinary people' and a narrower definition of the same people were being used at the same time, and at times people who were very different from each other in terms of social classes were in fact all being referred to as part of the 'ordinary people' class. These problems have to be addressed, so in this article, the social status of Yeok-ri and Yeom-gan are reviewed. As a result, it appears that their social status was very different, from the status of the people who could be considered as the 'narrower version' of the 'ordinary people' definition. Yeok-ri and Yeom-gan figures served the hardest tasks, which were considered to be fairly humble and obscure, and they were forced by law to pass this service down to their following generations. They were not allowed to pursue a job in the government or take the national examination, which were all allowed to 'ordinary people', and their census registries were managed separately from the registries of 'ordinary people'. Only when they distinguished themselves with a meritorious deed they could escape their hard services, but such deeds had to be huge enough to grant even public or private lowly men(slaves) an 'ordinary people' status. In that regard, one could say that their status was almost low as that of the lowly men. But at the same time, they were referred to as 'ordinary people', and were clearly distinguished by the lowly men in terms of official status. With this study, we can see that the 'ordinary people' class in the early days of the Joseon dynasty, was not a homogeneous class at all.
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崔異敦(Choi E-don) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204
This thesis is about The status of Seol and it's result is as follows. 1. Seol were restricted accession to a high official position, were treated discriminatingly in the political sector. 2. The official position that Seol could access were limited, so they could not have the position of Sajok[士族]. So they could only have the public official in technical post. 3. The Seol were the status that were treated discriminatingly. They get disdainful treatment in legal and hereditary area and specially in criminal law area. The discrimination that Seol received were taken naturally as provision of nature. The status group have a symmetrical position to Seol was Sajok.
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최이돈(Choi, E-don) 한국역사연구회 2017 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.104
Examined in this article is the taxation rate employed during the second half of the Goryeo dynasty period, in order to raise our understanding of the taxation rate later adopted by the Gwajeon-beob institution. Among several taxations rates that were supposedly used in the Goryeo period, the “one-fourth” rate and the “one-tenth” rate are especially examined, and results of such research are also compared with the taxation rate of the Joseon period. First, the “one-fourth” rate. This rate, which we cannot find any traces of being used in the Joseon period, was employed in Goryeo. Considering the examples of military lands and garrison farms, the one-fourth rate of Goryeo seems to have been applied in cases of lands which the collectors did not actually own but were authorized to collect taxes from them. And the taxation rate for ‘Official lands’ are clearly indicated in records as one-fourth. Meanwhile, the rate that would have been applied to “Private lands” are yet to be clearly determined. However, considering the military land cases, a rate similar to the ‘Official lands’ would have been applied to the Private lands as well. Scholars have believed for a long time that the one-tenth rate was employed during the Goryeo period. Yet before Yi Seong-mu suggested for the first time that Goryeo did employ that rate (and spreaded the idea quite widely), early scholars considered one-fourth as the dominant taxation rate of Goryeo. And most interestingly, the Joseon kings and officials did not believe that one-tenth rate was used in Goryeo either. According to their remarks, it seems like they believed that the one-tenth rate was employed only at the end of the Goryeo dynasty, with the launch of the Gwajeon-beob institution. There are some historical records that are supposedly testifying to the existence of a one-tenth rate in Goryeo. After the time of Yi Gyu-bo, new Sa-Daebu figures frequently commented upon the one-tenth rate, but only as an ideal concept. They viewed the rate as a method to launch (more like reincarnate) ideal land systems from the past such as Gyunjeon-je(均田制) or Jeongjeon-je(井田制) and therefore suggested the concept more than once. And kings like Chungseon-wang and Gongmin-wang who agreed with the necessity of such reforms, also mentioned the rate as well as ideal land systems in their royal edicts. So, we can say that the one-tenth rate was part of the new Sa-Daebu figures’ “dreams” of an ideal society, and was not a practical taxation rate that was employed in real life. As a result, it becomes clear that the official rate in Goryeo land taxation was actually one-fourth. Historical figures who lived in the latter half period of Goryeo believed that the land system should be reformed, and newly modeled after the ancient Jeongjeon-je and Gyunjeon-je systems. And in order to do so, they argued that the one-tenth rate should be employed. So, as King Sejong later argued, the one-tenth rate was newly employed with the launch of the Gwajeon-beob system, which was a huge accomplishment on part of the reformer officials.
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崔異敦(Choi Edon) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.184
This thesis aims at explicating the structure of social status during the early Chosun period. Sajok is the most important subject in explaining the social status of Chosun period. It is not a simple job, however, to make clear the Sajok's boundary. Thus, any attempts to explain the social status of early Chosun were not successfully done. The main purpose of this thesis is to make clear the boundary of Sajok. Hyun'gwan means the important bureaucrat. Many scholars maintain that this term is indispensable in explaining the social status of early Chosun, But there has been no clear way to approach Hyun'gwan, So I attempt to make clear the meaning of Hyun'gwan first, and then try to explain the relations between Hyun' gwan and Sajok. The results are: 1. Hyun'gwan refers to those whose level are above sixth grade of Mun'gwan(文官) and fourth grade of Mu'gwan(武官), and the core of whom serve as the bureaucrat of Ijo(吏曹), Byungjo(兵曹), Samsa(三司). 2. Those who belong to special status groups could not be called as Hyun'gwan, Bereaucrats out of merchants, craftsmen, slaves classes could not become Hyun'gwan. They were called Jungin(中人). 3. Hyun'gwan had special privileged advantages in many areas such as taking government examinations for entering school, for becoming bureaucrat, and for being judged. These privileges were extended to their son and grandson. 4. Hyun'gwan is closely related to Sajok, whose boundary is defined by Hyun'gwan, Those who have Hyungwan during four generations[Sajo(四祖)] were called Sajok. 5. The above results reveal us that Sajok could gain social and political power by becoming Hyun'gwan, and in this way they could obtain the ruling status in Chasun period.
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