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崔異敦(Choi E-don) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204
This thesis is about The status of Seol and it's result is as follows. 1. Seol were restricted accession to a high official position, were treated discriminatingly in the political sector. 2. The official position that Seol could access were limited, so they could not have the position of Sajok[士族]. So they could only have the public official in technical post. 3. The Seol were the status that were treated discriminatingly. They get disdainful treatment in legal and hereditary area and specially in criminal law area. The discrimination that Seol received were taken naturally as provision of nature. The status group have a symmetrical position to Seol was Sajok.
최이돈(Choi, E-don) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.100
Examined in this article, is how the Gwajeon land distribution system was operated alongside the ‘governmental officials’ system. 1. In the Gwajeon-beob system of the ending days of Goryeo, land distribution proceeded on two fronts. Senior officials could receive lifelong authority over some Gwajeon lands(世祿田) even after they retired. Junior officials received military lands when they retired, but this was more like a compensation for their continued services in the military(役田). 2. Coming into the reign of King Taejong of Joseon, the governmental officials system was revised. Officials with ranks higher than 2 Pum were established as special officials. The lands they received were very different in nature from the lands bestowed to officials below the 3 Pum. When Below-3 Pum officials removed themselves from a governmental post, they would return their Gwajeon lands and receive a moderate amount of military land in its place. It was a compensation for their services, meant for ‘officials of the government.’ 3. Meanwhile, the Daeshin ministers received lands as part of their prerogative, and were allowed to keep them until they died(世祿田). They could also leave such land for their offsprings, who would have entered the government by privileges. This sort of land was bestowed so that they could maintain their ‘noble status’ and their lifestyle. So, we can say that the Gwajeon lands in the early Joseon period had both aspects inside them.
최이돈(Choi, E-don) 한국역사연구회 2017 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.104
Examined in this article is the taxation rate employed during the second half of the Goryeo dynasty period, in order to raise our understanding of the taxation rate later adopted by the Gwajeon-beob institution. Among several taxations rates that were supposedly used in the Goryeo period, the “one-fourth” rate and the “one-tenth” rate are especially examined, and results of such research are also compared with the taxation rate of the Joseon period. First, the “one-fourth” rate. This rate, which we cannot find any traces of being used in the Joseon period, was employed in Goryeo. Considering the examples of military lands and garrison farms, the one-fourth rate of Goryeo seems to have been applied in cases of lands which the collectors did not actually own but were authorized to collect taxes from them. And the taxation rate for ‘Official lands’ are clearly indicated in records as one-fourth. Meanwhile, the rate that would have been applied to “Private lands” are yet to be clearly determined. However, considering the military land cases, a rate similar to the ‘Official lands’ would have been applied to the Private lands as well. Scholars have believed for a long time that the one-tenth rate was employed during the Goryeo period. Yet before Yi Seong-mu suggested for the first time that Goryeo did employ that rate (and spreaded the idea quite widely), early scholars considered one-fourth as the dominant taxation rate of Goryeo. And most interestingly, the Joseon kings and officials did not believe that one-tenth rate was used in Goryeo either. According to their remarks, it seems like they believed that the one-tenth rate was employed only at the end of the Goryeo dynasty, with the launch of the Gwajeon-beob institution. There are some historical records that are supposedly testifying to the existence of a one-tenth rate in Goryeo. After the time of Yi Gyu-bo, new Sa-Daebu figures frequently commented upon the one-tenth rate, but only as an ideal concept. They viewed the rate as a method to launch (more like reincarnate) ideal land systems from the past such as Gyunjeon-je(均田制) or Jeongjeon-je(井田制) and therefore suggested the concept more than once. And kings like Chungseon-wang and Gongmin-wang who agreed with the necessity of such reforms, also mentioned the rate as well as ideal land systems in their royal edicts. So, we can say that the one-tenth rate was part of the new Sa-Daebu figures’ “dreams” of an ideal society, and was not a practical taxation rate that was employed in real life. As a result, it becomes clear that the official rate in Goryeo land taxation was actually one-fourth. Historical figures who lived in the latter half period of Goryeo believed that the land system should be reformed, and newly modeled after the ancient Jeongjeon-je and Gyunjeon-je systems. And in order to do so, they argued that the one-tenth rate should be employed. So, as King Sejong later argued, the one-tenth rate was newly employed with the launch of the Gwajeon-beob system, which was a huge accomplishment on part of the reformer officials.