上海 中西女塾(1892~1952) 硏究

千聖林(Chun, Sunglim) 중국근현대사학회 2020 중국근현대사연구 Vol.85 No.-

In China, women’s public education and schooling began and developed with the spread of Christianity. The first schools for Chinese females, from primary school to college, were all founded by foreign missionaries. Chinese-established non-missionary girls’ schools were also inspired by these missionary schools. Moreover, the first Chinese women teachers were all graduates of the missionary schools. This paper examines the McTyeire Home and School for Girls (Zhongxi nüshu [Chinese-Western Girls’ Academy]) in Shanghai, a representative missionary school for girls in modern China, focusing on its foundation, school system, curriculum, school life, and graduates’ career paths and social activities. Established in 1892, McTyeire Home and School for Girls went through several changes until 1952 when it became the Shanghai Number Three Girls’ School that continues to exist today. The missionary-founded and managed school gradually accepted Chinese principals and also modified its curriculum several times in response to changing demands by offering diverse courses such as those in humanities, social sciences, natural sciences, and arts and physical education as well as bible classes. At McTyeire Home and School for Girls, all the classes were conducted in English and lab classes and practical training were highly valued. The courses taught and the way they were taught were all new to the Chinese, and this new education produced “new women” in China. As McTyeire Home and School for Girls stressed public service and responsibility, it produced many social activists including members of YWCA, and during the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), many of its graduates led the war efforts. McTyeire’s curriculum that required twelve years for completion produced few graduates. The number of its graduating students was less than 10 percent of that of the incoming students since a lot of students dropped out to get married. However, many of the McTyeire graduates went to US to study or went to college in China, and they became teachers, doctors, missionaries, public officers, ambassadors, scientists, bankers, and entertainers. In that sense, Mctyeire was a pioneer in encouraging Chinese women to take up public jobs. However, since the establishment of People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, all the pre-PRC missionary schools including McTyeire have been branded as imperialist. Notably, the negative labels of McTyeire such as ‘an aristocratic school’ or ‘an idolizer of America’ are often ascribed to its own last principal Xue-zheng who joined the PRC’s anti-imperialist fever through her self critique of McTyeire. According to the recent memoirs of McTyeire graduates, however, while it is true that some of the McTyeire students were Christians and daughters from elite families, many were non-Christians and from common families. McTyeire’s tuition was high, and yet the donations from the rich students enabled the poor to study. Therefore, it is important to acknowledge the positive role that McTyeire played in educating many Chinese women in modern China.

20세기 중국 민족주의의 형성과 전개

천성림(Chun Sunglim) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2006 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.5 No.1

시민사회의 내부적 성숙으로 발생한 서구의 민족주의와 달리 중국 근대의 민족주의는 서구 제국주의의 압력이라고 하는 외부적 요인에 의해 발생, 발전하였다. 청일 전쟁에서의 패배로 인해 위기의식에 휩싸여 있던 중국에 때마침 소개된 사회진화론은 천하적 세계관을 극복하고 열국병립의 세를 인정하지 않으면 안 되게 만들었다. 1903년경이 되면 민족주의만이 구국의 처방이라고 하는 논의들이 확산되어간다. 중국에서 문화민족주의는 1905년 성립한 국학보존회의 국수운동을 기점으로 하여 1920년대의 국고파와 학형파, 그리고 1930, 40년대의 중국본위적문화건설론과 항전시기의 학술활동, 현대신유기에 이르기까지 반세기 동안 중단없이 전개되었다. ‘문화구국’ ‘학술구국’을 외치며 중국인의 민족적 정체성을 추구해 온 중국의 문화 민족주의는 제국주의의 문화침략을 반대하고 국내사상계의 맹목적 서구화를 저지하고 중국인의 민족문화에 대한 자신감을 제고하는 등 방면에서 중요한 작용을 발휘했다. 공동의 역사 경험을 통해 형성된, 한 민족의 문화가 갖는 고유성과 개별성을 중시하는 문화민족주의의 입장은 언뜻보아 인류 보편세계로의 지향을 완전히 거부하는 듯 하지만 민족이 망국멸종의 위기에 직면했을 때의 최후의 근거, 즉 존재증명의 자기확인을 민족에게서 구한 것을 의미한다. 또한 민족에의 집요한 고집 즉 원리주의의 철저함 때문에 타의 각민족이 갖는 문화의 고유성과 독자의 가치도 솔직히 승인하였다. 그것은 서구열강의 문화적 침략에 대한 저항민족주의였으며 어느 정도는 열린 민족주의로서의 가능성을 갖고 있었다. 그러나 중국의 문화민족주의 또한 민족주의의 양면성에서 자유로울 수 없었다. 개혁개방 이후 정체성의 위기와 소수민족의 분리 움직임이 나타나면서 1980년대 후 반부터 다시 등장한 문화민족주의는 겉으로는 유가를 비롯한 ‘국학열’로 나타나고 있지만 그 이면에는 과거의 천하적 세계질서를 재편하여 동아시아의 맹주가 되려고 하는 정치적 목적이 드리워져 있음을 부인할 수 없다. In the pre-modem era, Confucian philosophy became an important part of the Chinese cultural identity. Naturally this culturalism was sustained by the economic and military strength of the empire. In China, modern nationalism was born as a result of the military, commercial, and cultural penetration by the West. It was as early as around the 1900 when the concept "minzu"(民族) "minzuzhuyi"(民族主義) had used in China. The political nationalism theorized by Liang Qichao(梁啓超) appeared from the self-reflection such as the impossibility of retaining the nation in the traditional frame of reference and value system in the political crisis especially after the Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭). By the way, nationalism of the National Essence School(國粹學派) represented by Zhang Binglin(章炳麟) started against the above political nationalism, and shared a thought that "No nation exists freed from history." Under the rule of alien Qing, their cultural nationalism stands for cultural relativism which values each nation's particular culture instead of its falling into chauvinism, or imperialism. As soon as the 1911 Revolution overthrow the Qing court, the National Essence School closed The national Essence Journal. It was because the School felt that its mission, anti-Manchu Revolution, was over. Nevertheless, it dose not mean the end of the modem Chinese Cultural Nationalism Movement. Rather, by exalting the value of the classical Chinese than the Vernacular literature(Baihuo, 白話), The Monthly National Heritage(國故) of the Beijing University(北京大) and The Critical Review(學衡) of the Southeastern University(東南大) faculties proclaimed that "the preservation of the national essence" was still available. Beijing University could define itself as the heir of the National Essence School in the sense of asserting the ethical revolution and supporting the "Baihuo" literature against the New Culture Movement(新文化運動). In China - as in other states - cultural nationalism could not be free from the dualism of resistence and aggression of the Nationalism. Like Sinocentric cultural cosmopolitanism in the pre-modem era, a new Chinese cultural nationalism after the 1980s has accompanied China's political ambition to be the leader of the East Asia.

근대 중국 여성의 직업세계

千聖林(Chun Sunglim) 동양사학회 2006 東洋史學硏究 Vol.96 No.-

Economic power is the essential factor to determine women's social status. It was only after around 1930 that China enacted laws that gave women the rights to work and to inherit properties. Following this change, women came to have various jobs; some ended up as manual laborers such as factory girls, prostitutes, and maids while others served as mental workers like lawyers, teachers, doctors, nurses. and accountants. In addition, women also worked as waitresses, office girls, shopgirls, typists, police women and actresses. The expansion of the availability of jobs for women came in tandem with modernization of China. In this paper, I would examine the world of Chinese women's works during about a century from the opening of Chinese ports to foreign countries to the founding of the People' Republic of China. More specifically, this study would inspect types and conditions of Chinese women's work, social recognition of their work and the social change resulting from the increased entry of women into public affairs. The women and labor issues were regarded as the two most important social problems at the close of 19th century and the early 20th century in China and both would be dealt with in this study. As observed in this paper, women could remarkably expand their domain of jobs as they heightened their educational levels. Yet, the percentage of working women was still low. It was 1-9% varying from region to region. Furthermore, many jobs, were limited to non-married women except for such professions as doctors and professors. In fact, the vast majority of the working women were unskilled laborer of so-called secondary labour markets and most of the rest served as maids. And, even these laborers and maids often resorted to becoming prostitutes. Because of the narrow labour market and the lack of business even for educated women, women were not passionate about getting their professions. Office girls were called 'flower vases', and women who married men of high social standing by taking advantage of their certificates of graduation from universities were called 'empress of college'. Likewise, the status of working women in early 20th century China was still in its 'infancy level' according to an intellectual at those time. Despite such limitation, however, women did improve their social status at home and in society through their increased economic activities. Those married working women came to have more voice In society, and unmarried working women got more autonomy in marriage and other matters. The advent and growth of the working women brought about a change in ideology then. Even though the majority of Chinese failed to break from the convention, I assert that sprouts of change have always been started from minority!

근대 중국의 빈곤여성 -`저화(猪花)`를 중심으로

천성림 ( Chun Sunglim ) 한국여성사학회 2014 여성과 역사 Vol.- No.20

19세기 중엽 이후 자본주의 생산체제의 전지구적 확립, 그리고 흑인 노예제폐지로 인해 서구 식민지는 염가의 노동력 확보가 절실했다. `저자(猪仔)`, 즉 중국의 쿨리는 개항 후 중국의 반식민지화에 따른 농촌의 황폐화와 실업자 증가 그리고 구미자본주의의 노동력 수요가 결합해 발생한 무자산의 이민노동자였다. `저화`는 1850년대 쿨리(저자)무역의 형성과 함께 등장한 여성들이다. 그녀들은 홀몸으로 이국땅에서 노동을 하던 중국 남성들의 범죄를 줄이고 이민지의 질서와 안정을 유지하기 위해 팔려나갔다. 입 하나 줄이고자 가장에 의해 팔려나가거나 인신매매업자의 달콤한 유혹에 넘어가 바다를 건너간 그녀들은 중국노동자를 위한 성적 봉사와 가사노동에 종사했다. 전통적 `인신매매`와 근대적성의 상품화가 결합한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 하지만 주의할 것은 그녀들 모두가 강제로 끌려간 것은 아니라는 점이다. 막 다른 골목에서 찾아낸 생존전략인 경우도 있고 일부는 성공을 거머쥐기도 했다. 비록 초기에는 쿨리 상대의 매춘여성에서 출발했지만 쿨리무역의 쇠퇴와 식민지의 개발에 따라 중국의 하층 여성들은 영국령 식민지와 미국, 동남아 등지에서 광산과 농장에서의 노동, 가정부 등 온갖 궂은 일을 하면서 오늘날 화교로 불리는 중국인 이민자 사회의 한 페이지를 장식했다. After the mid-19th century, due to globalization of capitalism and abolition of black slavery, the Western colonies were in desperate need of cheap labor. The `Zhuzi (猪仔)`, also known as Coolie, was an immigrant laborer without assets, a by-product of devastation in rural areas and increase in unemployment rate resulting from semi-colonialism after the opening of ports, combined with the demand for labor force and introduction of western capitalism. The `Zhuhua (猪花)` came into the scene with the Coolie trade in the 1850s. They were sent to foreign lands to reduce the crime rate of unaccompanied Chinese male laborers thereof, thus providing order and stability to the country of the immigrants. Some were sold by the head of the family to reduce household spending, while others were allured by human trafficking brokers through false promises, and the women ended up providing sexual and/or housework service to Chinese laborers. This can been seen as a combination of traditional human trafficking and modern sex commercialization. What should be noted is, however, that not all the Zhuhuas were forcefully taken to the foreign lands. Some chose to do so as a surviving strategy, and some made a fortune. Although the Zhuhuas started as prostitutes, they had to adopt a new way of life as the Coolie trade declined. So the low-class women started taking on other work such as plantation labor and maid service in British colonies, America and South-East Asia, which contributed to the establishment of the modern immigration society of the Chinese.