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      • KCI등재후보

        고려 穆宗12년의 정변과 康兆의 역할

        장종진 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2013 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.24

        This paper aims to reinterpret the characteristics of “Kang Jo’s Takeover” by critically analyzing the records in Goryeosa about the overthrow in the twelfth year of King Mokjong’s reign. Before the overthrow, Kang Jo, who was the Jungchusa and the Subukmyun-Dosungumsa, had the substantive power to influence King Hyunjong’s accession to the throne. Therefore, this study will deepen understanding about the political history in the reign of King Mokjong and King Hyunjong and also the military force during the early days of the Goryeo dynasty. To explore these issues, this paper examines the consistency problem in the records about the overthrow. As a result, this paper raises a question about the existence of the rebellion of Kim Chiyang and the main agent of King Hyunjong’s takeover—whether the main agent of the takeover was Kang Jo. King Hyunjong and his allies plotted the overthrow in the course of his accession and reign. On the other hand, Kang Jo was only in command of the military as the Jungchusa and the Subukmyun-Dosungumsa. In view of these circumstances, “Kang Jo’s Takeover” should be reexamined as King Hyunjong and his allies, not Kang Jo, took charge of the takeover. That is, the overthrow of King Mokjong was “the coup” led by King Hyunjong and his allies. During this period, the authority of Jungchuwon over military command was shown in the later establishment of Jungchuwon and Jungbang, as well as the power relationship during Kim Hoon and Choi Jill’s rebellion. Thus, the agent and the characteristics of “Kang Jo’s Takeover” should be reinterpreted.

      • KCI등재

        고구려의 한반도 중부지역 지배와 部曲에 대한 시론

        장종진 한국고대사탐구학회 2022 한국고대사탐구 Vol.41 No.-

        Bugok(部曲) in Korean history is used as a concept of a regional unit that means organization and group along with Hyang(鄕) etc. However, it is noteworthy that Bugok in Korean history differs in usage from Bugok in China and Japan during the same period. Therefore, this paper examined a special case of installation history among Bugok articles. Bugok, which is presumed to have been operated by Goguryeo, are Yusil-Bugok(有疾部曲) and Yeondal-Bugok(淵達部曲). Yusil-Bugok was installed in Changseon-do, Namhae during King Gwanggaeto's the conquest of south in 400, and was actually operated in terms of the dissolution of the triangular alliance between Baekje, Gaya, and Japan and strengthening Goguryeo's control over Silla. Yeondal-Bugok was operated from 475 to 551 when Goguryeo occupied Goguryeo land in the south of the Han River. Yeondal-Bugok was located on the straight line of attack to Baekje during the Ungjin period, which leads Seoul-Gwacheon-Suwon-Jinwi-Gongju, and there is Anseong Dogi Dongsanseong Fortress, a stronghold. After the attack on Hansung in 475, Goguryeo advanced to the south of the Han River and the Geumgang River basin, and the starting point was Mongchontoseong Fortress, and Dogidongsanseong Fortress was the intermediate base. Therefore, Malnyak(末若) was dispatched as a military head to Dogi Dongsanseong Fortress, and its subordinate local government officials, believed to be Dangju(幢主), were dispatched to Yeondal-bugok, that is, Busan County(釜山縣). Bugok was the unit belonging to Dangju or Baekdu(百頭) dispatched at this time. As a result of the review of Bugok, one case of Bugok's origin and its conceptual change can be confirmed. This is because it seems that the area where Goguryeo ruled the central part of the Korean Peninsula and dispatched to major bases was occupied by Silla after the mid-sixth century and became its dominant area, and was later used as a kind of place name. Such Bugok was gradually called as a subordinate administrative unit of county system in the process of Silla's phased reorganization of the local administrative system after the King Gyeongdeok’s period. 한국사에서의 부곡은 향, 소, 처, 장 등과 함께 조직, 집단을 의미하는 지역적인 단위의 개념으로 사용된다. 그런데 한국사에서의 부곡이 같은 시기의 중국, 일본의 부곡과 용례가 차이가 있다는 점이 주목된다. 이에 본 연구는 부곡 관련 기사 중 설치 연혁이 특수한 사례를 살펴보았다. 고구려에서 운영한 것으로 추정한 부곡은 유질부곡과 연달부곡이다. 유질부곡은 광개토왕의 남정 과정에서 남해 창선도에 설치되었는데, 실질적으로는 백제・가야・왜의 삼각동맹 해체와 고구려의 신라에 대한 지배력 행사 강화라는 목적이었다. 연달부곡은 고구려가 한강 이남 지역의 고구려고지를 영유했던 475년~551년 기간 중 운영되었다. 연달부곡은 서울-과천-수원-진위-공주로 이어지는 고구려의 웅진시기 백제로의 직공로상에 위치해 있었고, 견산리산성에 치소성을 두었다. 475년 한성 공격 이후 고구려가 한강 이남과 금강 유역으로 진출하는데 시작점은 몽촌토성으로, 도기동산성은 그 중간 거점이었다. 도기동산성은 군두로서 말약이 주재했고, 그 인근에 위치한 소규모 거점인 부산현에는 당주로 추정되는 그 하위 지방관이 파견되었다. 이때 파견된 당주 또는 백두의 부대가 연달부곡이었다고 추정했다. 연달부곡을 살펴보면 부곡의 기원의 한 사례와 그 개념 변화양상을 확인할 수 있다. 고구려가 한반도 중부지역을 지배하면서 주요 거점에 파견했던 군사적 편제 개념의 부곡이 있던 지역이 6세기 중반 이후 신라에 점령되고 그 지배영역이 되면서 추후에 지명이나 지역단위로서 사용된 것으로 보이기 때문이다. 이러한 부곡은 경덕왕대 이후 신라가 단계적으로 지방행정체제를 개편하는 과정에서 군현의 하위 행정단위로서 그 개념이 전화되었다.

      • 유도탄 날개 구동을 위한 시간지연 제어기 설계

        장종진,오대영,유준 제어로봇시스템학회 2010 제어로봇시스템학회 국내학술대회 논문집 Vol.2010 No.5

        The electro-mechanical pin actuator for a guided missile consists of BLDC (Brushless DC) motor and gear train mechanism, and adjusts the pin position according to autopilot guidance command for the direction control and roll suppression, This paper presents a time delay controller(TDC) design for a pin actuator system subjected to environmental changes such as aero-dynamic loading and modeling parameter uncertainty and etc, Through simulations and experiments, it has been shown that the TDC based scheme is robust enough, satisfying the performance requirements.

      • KCI등재

        肅宗의 景宗王位繼承의도 검토

        장종진 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2008 南道文化硏究 Vol.14 No.-

        King Sukjong(肅宗) ascended the throne at the age of fourteen because of King Hyoenjong(顯宗)'s sudden death. The early political situation was unstable because there were faction, for example, the issue of King Hyojong(孝宗)'s succession. So King Sukjong took advantage of the political shifts(換局) to strengthen royal power, and forty years later, he attained the strengthen royal power by obtaining the position, the doctrine of trinity(King-Master-Father; 君師父) in relation to the acquisition of Honorable(尊號) and the political shifts of 1716(丙申處分). However, weakening of the crown prince's position which had stood on the basis of Soron(少論) was inevitable, because Noron(老論) came into power. Especially, Noron who led the political shift of 1694(甲戌換局) and execution of Queen consort, Hui(禧嬪張氏) couldn't permit the succession of Queen consort Hui's son. In this situation, King Sukjong carried through the single conversation in 1717(丁酉獨 對) and the regency of the crown prince at the same time, he could make a basis for natural succession with Noron's support. King Sukjong could mollify Noron's aversion to succession and accomplish secure succession by gradual relinquishment of power for the crown prince in the regency. So the crown prince could get enough time and experience for political administration by this gradual relinquishment. King Sukjong did not allow Noron's leading in military power because of protection for the crown prince. Moreover he appointed Soron's leaders to Pibyonsa(備邊司) constantly in order to assist for the crown prince. It is also a part of King Sukjong's plan that he chose a woman of Noron's family for the crown price's marriage partner in order to allay hostility. In conclusion, King Sukjong made and carried out his plan for secure succession of throne by the single conversation in 1717 and regency, in the teeth of Noron's opposition and condemnation.

      • 圓仁의 『入唐求法巡禮行記』를 통하여 본 新羅譯語

        張鍾珍(Jang Jong-Jin) 한국고대사탐구학회 2011 한국고대사탐구 Vol.7 No.-

        본고는 圓仁의 『入唐求法巡禮行記』에 보이는 新羅譯語의 기사를 중심으로, 그 활동 및 특징을 살펴보았다. 그리고 일본 고대사료 등에서 散見되는 역어와 통사의 용례를 확인하여, 신라역어의 설치 기원을 찾아보면서, 그 설치목적을 검토하였다. 신라역어는 ‘新羅人 譯語’ 또는 ‘新羅語 譯語’라는 의미를 가질 수 있는 용어이다. 그런데 신라역어의 활동을 검토한 결과, 그들은 기본적으로 일본어와 漢語의 통역을 담당하는 직능을 가진 사람들임을 알 수 있었다. 이들이 일본견당사에 설치된 목적은 唐 체재활동에서의 편의성, 항해술, 그리고 항해 중 신라에의 표착 가능성과 이의 해결 등을 위해서였다. 특히 항해업자로서 신라인이 뛰어난 기술을 소유했기 때문에, 이들을 日本人인 通事 또는 譯語와는 구별하여 고용했음이 주목된다. 따라서 신라역어는 신라 출신으로 漢語와 일본어, 그리고 신라어의 통역이 가능한 인물이며, 또한 그 용어 속에는 ‘신라인 역어’와 ‘신라어 역어’의 의미를 모두 담고 있던 것으로 판단했다. 사료 상에서 9세기를 전후한 시기에, 특징적으로 확인할 수 있는 ‘신라역어’는 당시 동아시아사의 성격을 잘 보여주는 존재이다. 唐과 일본, 모두 외래인의 귀화에 대해서 개방적인 자세를 취한 사실과 신라에서는 내정불안에 따른 인민 이탈이 심화됨에 따라서 발생할 수 있었던 현상이기 때문이다. 특히 在唐新羅人社會가 형성됨으로써, 견당사 및 유학승은 唐에서의 활동을 위해서 신라인의 도움을 필요로하게 되었다. 그 결과 견당사에 통사·역어와는 별도로 신라역어를 格式으로 규정해 설치했다는 점이 주목된다. This thesis examines the activities and features of Silla-yeokeo(新羅譯語), by mainly inspecting Ennin’s Diary. And it also identifies the examples of Yeokeo(譯語) and Tong-sa(通事) which are found in many pieces of historical documents on Ancient Japan. Silla-yeokeo can be translated into “an Silla interpreter”, or “an interpreter who speak the Silla language(新羅語).” By examining their activities, however, it can be found that they took on translating Japanese(日語) and Chinese(漢語) into the Silla language. The main purpose for establishing the post of Silla-yeokeo in the Japanese Mission to Tang(日本遣唐使), is for ensuring a convenient stay in Tang, using their navigation skills, and solving the problem of drifting to Silla. In particular, since Silla people got excellent navigation skills, they were hired separately from Japanese people. In other words, Silla-yeokeo was a man from Silla who can speak Japanese, Chinese, and Silla language. Therefore, “Silla-yeokeo” includes the meaning of “an Silla interpreter,” and “an interpreter who can speak Silla language” at the same time. In the historical documents around the 9th century, “Silla-yeokeo” is a factor that clearly demonstrates the feature of then East-Asia. Both Tang and Japan was open to foreigner’s naturalization, and Silla suffered from people’s drifting-away, mainly caused by the uncertainty of domestic affairs. Moreover, as Silla compatriots at Tang(在唐新羅人社會) were well organized, the Japanese Mission to Tang and Buddhist monks who studied abroad(留學僧) needed the help by Silla people for their activities in Tang. Therefore, it is noticeable that the Silla-yeokeo was established by regulation, separated from Tong-sa and Yoekeo.

      • KCI등재

        5世紀 前後 國際情勢와 高句麗 平壤遷都의 배경

        장종진(Jang Jong-Jin) 한국고대사학회 2011 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.61

        이 연구의 목적은 5세기 전후 국제정세를 검토하여 平壤遷都의 배경을 살피는 데 있다. 高句麗는 故國原王의 평양지역 진출 이후에 이 지역을 직접 경영하기 시작했다. 그런데 百濟가 漢山으로 移都를 단행하고, 近肖古王 이후 北進 의지를 드러내어 양국은 지속적으로 대결하게 되었다. 양국의 대결은 도성방어체제 및 평양지역의 확보를 위한 측면에서 불가피하였다. 이에 따라 고구려는 이 지역에 대한 확고한 영역화를 이루는 한 방안으로 천도를 고려하였다. 이러한 상황은 당시 중국 華北지역의 정세와 맞물려, 廣開土王代에 천도가 결정되었던 것으로 생각된다. 당시 중국 화북지역의 정세변화는 특히 천도에 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 前秦과 우호관계를 유지하던 고구려는 肥水戰鬪 이후 後燕과 국경을 접하게 되었다. 후연은 395년 參合陂 전투에서의 패배로 인해 龍城으로 퇴각하였고, 그 세력권 또한 遼西ㆍ遼東 일대로 축소되었다. 이에 따라 양국은 요동에서의 세력권 확보를 위해 대결하게 되었다. 고구려는 후연에게 주요 軍鎭을 함락당하는 사건을 경험함으로써, 國內城 수도방위체계의 취약성을 재인식하게 되었다. 또한 396년에 이미 40만이라는 대단위의 군사를 동원할 수 있었던 역량을 가졌으며, 후연의 수도 中山을 함락시켰던 北魏의 위협에도 대응책을 마련해야만 했다. 이러한 북위의 위협은 북연의 등장 이후 더 강해졌다. 후연의 잔존세력으로 이루어진 북연은 이미 성립 초기부터 멸망이 감지되었기 때문이다. 북위는 423년 무렵 護東夷校尉府를 요서에 진수시킴으로써, 東夷監護에 대한 적극적인 의지를 표출하였다. 따라서 고구려로서는 이러한 북위의 동방정책에 대응하면서, 지속적인 국가발전을 도모할 필요를 느끼게 되었다. 그 결과 장수왕은 북연이 존재하여 일종의 완충지대로 기능했으며, 북위가 화북통일을 완수하기 이전인 427년에 평양으로 천도를 단행하였다. The purpose of this thesis is to view the international landscape of around the 5th century in order to study the transfer of capital to Pyongyang(平壤) by Koguryo(高句麗). Koguryo set out to rule Pyongyang in a direct manner since King-Gogukwoen(故國原王) had occupied the district. However, as Baekje(百濟) transferred its capital to Hansan(漢山) and King-Geunchogo(近肖古王) showed its will to expand his nation's sphere of influence toward northern area of Han River, Koguryo and Baekje had no choice but to confront each other continuously. The two nations' rivalry was inevitable in terms of fortifying their capital defense systems and occupying Pyongyang district. Therefore, in order to guarantee the security of its rule to Pyonyang, Koguryo decided to transfer its capital during the period of King-Gwanggaeto(廣開土王)'s reign, and this was fueled by political landscape in Huab?i(華北), China. The change in political situation in Huab?i around A.D. 400 had significant effects on the transfer of capital. Koguryo had a friendly relationship with Qianqin(前秦), but its border contacted with that of Houy?n(後燕) after Feishu?-battle(肥水戰鬪). Houy?n suffered an overwhelming defeat in C?nhepi-battle(參合陂戰鬪) in 395, and so it withdrew to Longcheng(龍城) having its sphere of influence shrunk around west and east areas of Liaohe(遼河). As a result, Koguryo and Houy?n became in rivalry to secure their sphere of influence in Liaod?ng. The former suffered the loss of major military bases by the latter, and it yet again recognized its vulnerability of capital defense system. In addition, Koguryo had to have a deterrent to the threat from B?iwei(北魏), which had already been able to mobilize a 400,000-strong troop and conquerred Zh?ngsh?n(中山), the capital of Houy?n. Since the emergence of B?iy?n(北燕), the threat from B?iwei became stronger as the collapse of B?iy?n, which was established by the remaining groups of Houy?n, was predictable since its beginning. In 423, B?iwei launched an military outpost in Liaox?(遼西) to show its active will to check up its eastern neighboring nations. Therefore, Koguryo thought that it should react to the eastward expansion policy by B?iwei and push for a persistent national development. As a result, in 427, when B?iy?n served as a buffer state before the reunification of Huab?i by B?iwei, King - Changsu(長壽王) transferred the capital to Pyongyang.

      • KCI등재후보
      • KCI등재

        Improvement of crystal quality in semipolar GaN layer by using self-organized nanomasks on m-sapphire

        유영우,정주철,장종진,이규승,민대홍,김진완,김민호,문승환,유근호,남옥현 한양대학교 세라믹연구소 2013 Journal of Ceramic Processing Research Vol.14 No.4

        Semipolar GaN layers were grown on SiO2 nanorods, which were fabricated by introducing self-organized masks to reduce defect density and to improve crystal quality. The decrease in the density of defects such as basal stacking faults, partial dislocations, and perfect dislocations was demonstrated by X-ray rocking curves for various planes. In addition, cross-sectional transmission electron microscopy images also confirmed the role of SiO2 nanorods in blocking the defects. Further, the cathodoluminescence intensity of GaN layers grown on SiO2 nanorods and the internal quantum efficiency of InGaN/GaN double quantum wells on SiO2 nanorods were 9.5 times and 80% higher, respectively, than those of reference GaN layers. These higher values could be attributed to the improvement in the crystal quality of GaN layers due to the introduction of SiO2 nanorods

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