기억의 정치와스토리텔링 근현대 역사에 대한 기억의 보전과 공유 -부산근대역사관 운영 사례를 중심으로-

장경준 ( Kyung Jun Jang ) 대구사학회 2012 대구사학 Vol.106 No.-

Conservation and Share of Memory on Modern History -Focused on Operating Case of the Busan Modern History Museum- Jang, Kyung-jun [Abstract] In this writing, after retrospecting activities of the Busan Modern History Museum on memory conservation during the time and investigating outcomes and problems appearing there, it suggested tasks to share memory on the public and modern history. The Busan Modern History Museum, from 2003 opening to now, through exhibit, acamedic research and investigation, social education, and etc, has thrown its effort to introduce history and culture of modern Busan. In the result, the existence of the Busan Modern History Museum gradually became known and the status as modern specialized museum increased. However, there are still many remaining tasks in front of the Busan Modern History Museum. First, contents fitting to the place should be contained so that historical sites are revived as places of memory. Second, through exhibits and education, it should communicate with the public and local communities endlessly. Regarding museum and exhibition, exhibit and education are main channel and method to communicate with them. Thus, afterwards more materials should be collect and studied, and organized and preserved, containing stories here to convey. Third, through endless self-examination and efforts, the public`s support and cooperation should be drawn. Without their support and cooperation, playing its role as the place of memory is impossible from the start. For this, it should commit itself to its duty such as collecting materials and conservation, investigation research, exhibit, education, and etc, and local governments and etc should help this from the side with the extensive support. At the same time, local communities along with colleges should spare no active support and advice with higher attention at museum and exhibition. By doing this, modern museums and exhibition will settle down as the place of memory to share and communicate the real memories of the public and history.

조선후기 호적작성과 활용을 통해 본 戶

장경준(Jang, Kyung-Jun) 한국역사민속학회 2015 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.48

호적이 어떠한 과정을 거쳐 만들어졌는지 파악해 보면 호적의 성격뿐만 아니라 호구조사의 과정과 성격까지 동시에 이해할 수 있다. 이에, 이 글에서는 동래부를 사례로 호적이 어떤 과정을 거쳐 작성되고 보관 · 활용되었는지 살펴봄으로써 호적상의 호가 자연호인지, 편제호인지, 그리고 호적의 자료적 성격이 어떠한지 검토해 보았다. 동래부 호적자료를 중심으로 호적의 작성 과정과 이후의 활용 모습을 살펴본 결과 동래부의 경우 호적작성 과정에서 호구총을 맞추기 위한 편제의 움직임은 전혀 감지되지 않았다. 또 기존 연구에서 밝혀진 대로 호구문서 작성의 간소화는 동래부에서도 동일하게 나타났지만 이는 호적의 자료적 성격이 변화했기 때문이 아닌 호구문서 작성 과정에서 다대하게 빚어졌던 폐단을 시정하기 위한 측면이 더 컸다. 더구나 동래부의 경우 여느 군현에 비해 호적을 철저하게 보관 ·관리해 나갔는데, 이 또한 호적이 인위적 호구수 조정을 거친 결과물이 아니라는 것을 방증한다. 기존 연구에서는 단성현 신등리, 남원 둔덕방, 거제 항리 등을 제외한 일부 지역의 호적중초, 예컨대 제주 사계리 ·하원리, 경주 양좌동의 자료를 근거로 호적이 중초 작성 단계에서 인위적 호구수 조정을 겪는 것으로 주장했다. 하지만 편제의 근거로 내세운 이 자료들에서의 수정 흔적도 주장처럼 호구총에 맞추기 위한 조정이라 단정할만한 근거는 희박하다. 또 호적을 굳이 호구총에 맞도록 작성해야만 할 이유가 있었는지, 그리고 이미 책정된 호구총은 어디에 근거하고 있는지도 의문이다. 호구총 책정에 긴요한 자료는 호적이 아닌 호적을 근거로 작성하는 여러 성책, 특히 남정성책, 이거성책, 이래성책, 물고성책, 별호성책, 신호성책, 협호성책 등이었다. 호구총은 이러한 성책들에 의해 얻어진 데이터와 현재의 호구총이 종합적으로 고려된 상태에서 책정된다. 따라서 호적을 호구총에 맞춰야만 하는 이유도 없을뿐더러 맞추기도 어렵다. 이러한 점들에서 기존 연구의 결과는 호적상 호가 때론 부자연스럽게 보이는 이유가 호구총에 맞추기 위한 편제의 결과라는 전제 아래 자료를 바라본 결과 빚어진 오류일 가능성이 크다. 물론 이 글에서 살펴본 동래부의 사례도 일반화하기에는 무리가 있다. 호구문서 작성 방식에 지역적 차이가 있었던 것처럼 조선후기 호적 작성 과정은 지역마다 약간씩의 차이를 띠기 때문이다. 하지만 그 차이는 방법론적인 차이, 즉 호적 작성 방식의 차이에 불과할 뿐 호적의 자료적 성격을 변화시킬 만큼의 차이라고는 보기 어렵다. 따라서 비록 제한적이기는 하지만 적어도 동래부 호적상의 호는 편제호라고 보기 어려우며, 호적이 부세장부만의 성격을 갖는다던지 19세기 들어 虛籍化된다는 등의 주장도 설득력을 갖기 어렵다. 이는 호적상의 호가 가주 가옥내의 호구를 그 범위로 하고 있으므로 나타날 수 있는 부자연스러움을 간과한 결과일 뿐이다. A review on how a family register has been created allows you to understand the nature of a family register and the process and nature of a census at that time. Therefore, this article tried to look at whether ‘ho’(戶) in the family register is natural ‘ho’ or established ‘ho’ and to review how the nature as a material of the family register is by giving a dongraebu case as an example. An examination was made on the creation process and use of the family register centered around the family register material of the dongraebu. The results showed that for the dongraebu, there was no sign of the establishment to meet the conditions for the list of family registers in the process of creating the family register. In addition, the simplification of the family register documentation as identified in previous research was found the same as in the dongraebu; however. it was not because the nature as a material of the family register did not change but it was aimed to correct the evils that had occurred variously in the documentation process. Moreover, for the dongraebu, the family register was managed throughly, compared to other counties. This also supports the evidence that the family register is not the result after the artificial adjustment of the number of houses and inhabitants. The critical data to create the list of family registers included several wooden fences around the castle. The list of family registers is finally decided in consideration of the data obtained by these wooden fences around the castle and the contemporary list of family registers. Therefore, there was no need for the list of family registers to meet the wooden fences around the castle and it was difficult to match the data between them. In this regard, the results of the existing studies might be the ones obtained through the establishment to meet the list of family registers and thus the ‘ho’ (戶) in the family register seems to be unnatural. Of course, it may be hard to generalize the case of the dongraebu discussed in this article. As there were regional differences in the way of creating population documents, the process of creating the family register in the late Chosun dynasty also made a slight difference according to the region. Therefore, although limited, the ‘ho’(戶) in the family register of at least the dongraebu was difficult to regard as an established one. In addition, it is hard to consider the family register as a taxation book or it is not persuasive to see that the family register became invalid in the 19th century. This suggests the results that ignored the unnaturalness accordingly since the ‘ho’(戶) in the family register covers the inhabitants in the house.

18세기 호적상 ‘主戶’의 존재 양태와 戶의 모습에 대한 일고찰

張慶俊(Jang Kyung-Jun) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.67 No.-

This study examined the pattern of the household heads and the actual state of households through the comparison of the 1714 Daegu Joambang Hojeok(family register) and the 1720 Daegu Joambang Yangan(government register). In order to investigate the actual state of households it looked into the principles to investigate households and the principles to compose a household. To begin with, the comparison of household heads in the Hojeok and the family heads in the Yangan found that 102 household heads in the Hojeok (54.8%) are also registered as family heads in the Yangan while the rest 84 household heads(45.2%) are not. When examined based on family heads in the Yangan, 102 family heads in the Yangan (63.4%) are registered as household heads in the Hojeok while the rest 59 heads (36.6%) are not. Although lots of household heads in the Hojeok are also registered as family heads in the Yangan, not a few heads are not. In addition, lots of family heads in the Yangan are not registered as household heads in the Hojeok. Among household heads in the 1714 Hojeok, 102 heads that are also registered as family heads in the 1720 Yangan had an overall good economic ability, and probably were family heads when creating the Hojeok. This sets up the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan.’ The validity of the proposition can be proved through 59 family heads in the Yangan who are not identified as household heads in the Hojeok. The 84 household heads who are not registered as family heads in the Yangan had lower levels of status and economic abilities than the 102 household heads who are identified as family heads in the Yangan. Therefore, the 84 household heads are hardly considered as family heads. Instead, they are considered as the mere owner or tenant of a house. This modifies the proposition, 'Household heads in the Hojeok are also family heads in the Yangan' into the proposition, ‘Household heads in the Hojeok are also a family head or the owner or tenant of a house in the Yangan.’ A household registered in the Hojeok is composed of a household head, the owner or tenant of a house, and his family or those who have dominance-subordination relationships with the household head. Therefore, as the owner or tenant of a house changes through the distribution of the house or selling or purchasing the house, the members of a household in the Hojeok can be removed or added. Actually, those who live separately are registered to belong to the same household while those who live together are registered to belong to different households. This is because the household in the Hojeok is composed based on the ownership or tenantship of a house. In this respect, a household in the Hojeok does not correspond to a household in reality. Nevertheless, it is not appropriate to consider a household in the Hojeok as the result of a complicated formation process in order to balance the total number of households. This is because the removal or addition to a household in the Hojeok, which seem appropriate at fist sight, appears to be a natural result attributed to changes in ownership or tenantship of a house. Therefore, according to the nation's principles to investigate households, the household in the Hojeok is considered as a legal procedure to grasp the owner or tenant of a house in reality.

언양호적대장의 挾戶와 호당 구수

장경준(Jang, Kyung-Jun) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.44

18~20세기 초 동래지역의 인구와 주거양태

장경준(Jang Kyung Jun) 효원사학회 2010 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.37

In this article, I reviewed the population change in Dongrae in late Chosun dynasty and the housing issues due to this, and the population and hosing aspect of Dongrae in 18th to early 20th century as a basic study work on the change of housing aspect. Hence, the following conclusions could be made. The population of Dongrae from late 17th century to 1748 had decreased remarkably compared to late 17th century. Especially, significant decrease occurred from 1740 to 1748. This time period was A lot of deaths and migrants were developed due to the natural disasters, fatigue, endemic diseases, etc., which had been covered nationwide at this time period, and the population was decreased significantly, and therefore, the decline of population in Dongrae might be caused from these. The population from 1748 to 1832 showed remarkable increase, unlike the decline in the neighbor regions such as Daegu, Milyang, and Gimhae. Especially, the increasing trend from 1759 to 1780 was remarkable. This population increase may be because the people, who had been expelled from the land in reality difficult to survive due to the continuous fatigue and endemic diseases, gathered to Dongrae, where was the commercial city, so as to seek the living ways. The population from 1832 to 1899 showed a large decline in 1832 to 1864, and then repeated the growth and decline with general decline trend. Lowered living standards because of high population density together with feudal inconsistency might lead the decline trend of population. Upon the analysis of "family register of Dongha-myun" in 1908, all the houses were straw roofed, but no tiled roof. In addition, the size of houses varied from 1 room up to 8 rooms at maximum, however, 2 to 3 room-houses were the most prevalent, 235 out of 388 houses (60.6%). 388 house landlords registered in "family register of Dongha-myun" owned and occupied their houses wholly and they did not rent the whole houses or partial to others. Although some non-landlords who did not owned the houses were confirmed in "family register of Dongha-myun" beside landlords, the numbers might not be high.

18-19세기 노비 호구수 변화 양상에 대한 재검토

장경준(Jang, Kyung-Jun) 한국역사민속학회 2017 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.52

이 글은 18~19세기 호적대장에서 나타나는 ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상에 대해 재검토해 본 것이다. ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상은 1930년대 시카타(四方博)가 대구부 호적대장을 분석해 제출한 이래 신분제 해체의 논거로 기능해 왔다. 또 발전론적 역사 인식이 주류를 형성하면서부터는 더욱 굳건히 그 위치를 지키고 있다. 그 사이 연구자들은 이 양상의 해석에 대해 지나치다고 할 만큼 무관심하였다. 하지만 신분 관련 연구와 호적대장 및 호에 대한 연구 성과가 축적된 현재 입장에서 보면 이러한 태도는 전환이 불가피하다. 이에, 이 글에서는 기존 해석이 가진 문제점은 무엇이고 이는 어떤 식으로 수정해야 하는지를 논해 보았다. ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상은 상민이나 노비가 가지고 있던 가옥에 대한 권리가 대거 양반에게 이전되었음을 보여주는 것이다. 노비호가 소멸하는데도 불구하고 노비 인구가 그만큼 감소하지 않았던 이유도 노비들이 가옥에 대한 권리를 잃어 그 권리를 차지한 양반호에 흡수되었기 때문이었던 것이다. 결국, ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상이 진정 말하고자 한 것은 신분제 변화가 아닌 양반으로의 부의 집중이며, 소농의 위기였던 것이다. 이렇게 볼 때 호적대장은 당시의 사회경제상을 충실하게 반영하고 있다고 할 수 있다. ‘양반호의 격증, 상민호의 격감, 노비호의 소멸’이라는 양상은 19세기에 나타나는 상민과 노비들의 가계지속성 저하, 양반호의 가입률 증가, 결합가족호의 가입 증가 등 제 현상들과 부합한다. 또 관의 부세 수탈, 부농으로의 토지 집중과 이들의 침탈, 심화된 빈부 격차, 토지로부터 이탈해 도망 · 유리한 민의 증가와 이에 따른 농민항쟁의 발발을 설명하는데도 아무런 무리가 없다. This research reviewed the aspect of ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’ in the census register during 18<SUP>th</SUP>~19<SUP>th</SUP> century. The aspect, ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’ functioned as the basis of disassembly of a status system since Shikata(四方博) analyzed and presented Daegubu census register in 1930s. Also, it has established its position more firmly since the progressive history awareness formed the mainstream. Meanwhile, researchers have shoed indifference enough to have excessive interpretation on this aspect. However, based on the current position accumulated with researches on the status system and census register and house, such attitude needs to be changed. Here, this research discussed the problem of the existing interpretation and the desirable way to correct it. The aspect, ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’, shows that the right to house that had been owned by common people or slaves were largely transferred to noblemen. The reason that slave population did not decrease as much nevertheless extinction of slaves’ houses was because the slaves’ houses were absorbed into noblemen’s houses who captured the right as slaves lost their right to their houses. Eventually, the point that the aspect of ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves houses’ truly implied was the concentration of wealth on noblemen and the crisis of small farmers, not the change of status system. Accordingly, census register can be said to faithfully reflect the social economy of the period. The aspect ‘rapid increase of noblemen’s houses, rapid reduction of common people’s houses, and extinction of slaves’ houses’ coincided with the overall phenomena such as fall of durability of household budget, increase of registration of noblemen’s houses, and increase of registration of combined family houses, etc. in the 19<SUP>th</SUP> century. Also, it is moderate to explain the increase of the people who escaped․left from the governmental exploitation of tax, land concentration on wealthy farmers and their plundering, deepened rich-poor gap, increase of people and outbreak of farmers’ uprising accordingly.

18ㆍ19세기 동래지역의 군역운영과 폐단, 그리고 이를 둘러싼 水使-府使의 대립

張慶俊(Jang Kyung-Jun) 효원사학회 2006 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.30

조선후기 호적대장의 승려 등재 배경과 그 양상

장경준 ( Kyung Jun Jang ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2006 大東文化硏究 Vol.54 No.-

18~19세기 호적 호의 가입 원리와 이를 통해 본 호의 모습 : 가옥의 소유권 및 임차권과 관련하여

장경준 ( Jang Kyung-jun ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2013 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.29

본고는 호의 가입이 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 보유 여부에 의해 결정된다는 전제를 설정하고 18, 19세기 『단성호적』을 사례로 이를 확인해 보고자 하였다. 호 가입의 한 사유가 되는 호 분리는 분가 시에 이루어졌으며, 이때 분가는 본가와 분리된 개별 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권을 보유하는 것이었다. 이는 호 분리의 조건이 본가와 분리된 개별 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 보유 여부에 있으며, 호 가입이 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권을 보유하는 경우에 가능했음을 보여준다. 이처럼 호 가입이 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 보유 여부에 의해 결정됨에 따라 토지거래 빈도가 잦아 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 변화가 자주 일어난 1735년에는 호 가입율이 상승하였다. 반대로 토지 거래 빈도가 뜸해 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 변화가 적게 일어난 19세기 중엽 이후에는 호 가입율이 낮은 수준을 유지하였다. 또 거주이동이 적어 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 변화가 적은 농촌은 그렇지 않은 도시에 비해 상대적으로 저조한 호 가입율을 보이고 있었다. 그런가 하면 18세기 중엽 이후 토지 소유가 양반층에 집중되면서 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권을 보유한 양반층이 증가함에 따라 19세기 들어 양반호의 가입율도 상승하였다. 한편, 19세기의 가중된 경제적 불안정성 속에 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 분리를 기피하고 결합하고자 하는 경향이 짙어짐에 따라 결합가족 호의 가입이 증가했으며, 가옥 규모가 다양함에 따라 가입호의 경제력도 부실호에서 빈잔호까지 다양한 모습으로 나타났다. 이렇듯 호 가입에서 보이는 몇 가지 특징적 현상들은 호 가입이 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 보유 여부에 있다는 결론을 통해 설명될 수 있다. 그리고 이러한 결론은 호가 가옥의 소유권 내지 임차권 단위로 묶여져 있음을 의미하는데, 이는 호가 자연가와 일치하거나 편제된 결과물이 아닌 『경국대전』 호구식에서 규정한 그대로의 모습을 하고 있었기 때문에 생긴 결과였다. 이런 점에서 호는 자연호나 편제호가 아닌 『경국대전』 호구식에서 규정한 그대로의 호인 법제호라고 하겠다. This paper tried to establish the premise that membership of households is decided by possession of ownership or the rights to lease of houses and check it through the examples of 『Danseong Family Register』 in the 18th and 19th centuries. Separation of households which is a reason of membership of households was done when they are moved out. At this moment, moving out is to possess the ownership or the rights to lease of individual houses which are separated from head families. This demonstrates that conditions about separation of households are possession of the ownership or the rights to lease about individual houses which are separated from head families and membership of households was possible when people possessed them. Like this, as membership of households is decided by possession of the ownership and the rights to lease about houses, the membership rate that the ownership or the rights to lease about houses were frequently changed in 1735 increased because of great frequency of land transaction. On the contrary, the membership rate of households kept the low level after the mid-nineteenth century that there was few change of the ownership or the rights to lease about houses as the frequency of land transaction was poor. And the farm villages that there were few changes of the ownership or the rights to lease about houses because they did not move well showed the relatively lower membership rate of households than that of the other cities which did not do. As land ownership concentrated on the Yangban classes(of noble birth) since the mid-nineteenth century, the membership rate of their houses increased in the nineteenth century because the ones who possessed the ownership or the rights to lease about houses did. Meanwhile, as there was the increased tendency to avoid separation of the ownership or the rights to lease about houses and combine them with each other in the unstable economy increased in the nineteenth century, membership of households by combined families increased and their economic power showed the various features ranging from Busilho to Binjanho as the sizes of houses diversified. Like this, the several characteristic phenomena which are shown in membership of households can be naturally explained through the conclusion that it depends on possession of the ownership or the rights to lease about houses. And it means that households were classified by unit of the ownership or the rights to lease about houses because they were based on the census type that 『Gyeonggukdaejeon』 defined, not the results that they accorded with natural households or organized ones. In this respect, the households can be the legislated ones that the census type of 『Gyeonggukdaejeon』 defined, not the natural or organized ones.

해외상장기업 회계정보의 가치관련성에 대한 연구

장경준 ( Kyung Jun Jang ),김경호 ( Kyung Ho Kim ) 순천향대학교 사회과학연구소 2008 사회과학연구 Vol.14 No.2

국제화된 자본시장 환경에 따란 우리 기업들도 해외증권시장에서의 자금조달이 증가하고 있다. 선진자본시장은 국내자본시장보다 더 국제화된 환경 하에서 더 엄격하고 심도있는 감독규정과 회계 및 공시요건을 준수하도록 요구한다는 점에서 해외동시상장기업들은 국내상장기업들보다 일반적으로 회계정보의 품질이 더 높을 것이라는 예측이 일반적으로 가능하다. 본 연구는 해외동시 상장한 국내기업의 경우 국내증권시장에만 상장한 기업에 비해 회계정보를 이용한 기업가치평가모형에 있어 가치관련성이 높다는 가설을 검증하기 위하여 한국증권거래소에 상장되어 있는 기업 중 해외상장기업과 해외비상장기업을 대상으로 두 집단이 회계정보의 가치관련성에 있어 차이가 있는지를 분석하였다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 해외상장기업이 해외비상장기업에 비해 장부가치와 당기순이익의 설명력이 높으며, 각각 증분설명력 또한 대체로 높거나 나타났다. 이는 해외상장기업의 경우 해외비상장기업에 비해서 높은 질적 수준의 회계정보를 제공한다는 예측과 일치하는 것이다. 둘째, 당기순이익과 장부가치는 상호보완적으로 기업의 가치평가에 기여한다는 선행연구의 일반적 결과가 지지되었다. 연구 전반에 걸쳐서 대체로 장부가치와 당기순이익으로 설명되는 설명력이 장부가치와 당기순이익 각각의 설명력보다 높게 나타났다. 셋째, 연구 결과를 살펴보면 대체로 장부가치가 당기순이익보다 설명력이 높게 나타나는 것을 알 수 있다. 본 연구에서 해외상장기업의 자료의 한계로 인하여 표본이 적고, 연구기간이 짧기 때문에 앞으로는 좀 더 많은 자료와 장기간의 추세를 살펴볼 경우 해외상장기업과 해외비상기업의 좀 더 정확한 결론을 도출할 수 있으리라 생각한다. As capital markets of the world become more globalized, more Korean firms are obtaining capital funds from overseas stock markets. In more developed countries, capital market supervision is generally tighter and higher reporting and disclosure standards are applicable. Therefore, we can expect that internationally listed firms are more concerned with quality of accounting information than domestic-only listed firms. This research empirically analyzes differences in value relevance of accounting information between internationally listed firms and domestic-only listed firms when using accounting based stock valuation models. Results are as follow. First, the explanatory power of book values and earnings, both collectively and individually, in stock valuation models is generally higher for internationally listed firms than for domestic-only listed firms. The result is consistent with the expectation that information quality of internationally listed firms is higher than that of domestic-only listed firms. Second, general findings of previous research that book values and earnings supplement each other in stock valuation are also supported in the test. When both variables are included in the models the explanatory power is generally higher than when only one of the two variables is included in the valuation models. %d, the explanatory power of book value is generally higher than that of earnings in stock valuation models. A possible limitation of this research is that the sample size of internationally listed firms is rather small because of the short history of international listing of Korean firms. An extension of the research period, which is now limited to only five years, may mitigate the small sample problem in the future.