乾隆49년(1784)~50년(1785)의 敎案과 天主敎共同體

李俊甲(Lee, Jun-gab) 동양사학회 2011 東洋史學硏究 Vol.117 No.-

In this study I have analyzed the persecution on the missions occurred in Guangdong, Hunan, Hubei, Shanxi, Shandong, Jiangxi, Gansu, Sichuan, Henan, Hebei, Fujian during the years 1784-1785 by Qing dynasty and the aspects of Catholic community. As the persecution on the mission was taken place in late Qianlong period, so the two characteristics of the bureaucracy at that time, corruption and incompetence were reflected in the process of handling it. Persecution on the mission was not efficiently executed because of the corruption and incompetence of the local bureaucrats. While they were occupied with robbing missionaries of silver, copper cross on the spot of arresting the missionaries, a Chinese Catholic and interpreter could made a quick getaway. Some of the bureaucrats gave their superior bureaucrat or Emperor Qianlong in order to conceal their corruption and incompetence. Because of the bureaucrat’s corruption and incompetence, the Qing government revealed many holes in the policy of persecution on the missions in late Qianlong Period, various Catholic community could continue to exist. According to the basis of local criteria, there were two types of Catholic communities. One was the wide area Catholic community composed of Catholics who lived in two or more counties, the other was the narrow area Catholic community composed of Catholics who lived in a county. According to the basis of function criteria, there were two types of Catholic communities. One was the typical Catholic community in which members put stress on Bible study, the other was the variant community in which members put stress on interrelationship without Bible study.

乾隆49年(1784)~51年(1786)의 敎案과 乾隆帝

李俊甲(Lee, Jun Gab) 동양사학회 2012 東洋史學硏究 Vol.121 No.-

In this study I have analyzed the process of the persecution on the missions occurred in Guangdong, Hunan, Hubei, Shanxi, Shandong, Jiangxi, Gansu, Sichuan, Henan, Hebei, Fujian during the years 1784-1786 by Qing dynasty and also have analyzed the role of emperor Qianlong in that process. This persecution have begun with the arrest of four Franciscan missionaries travelling to their assigned missions in Shanxi. About the middle of September 1784, Huguang governor-general Techenge received the report from Xiangyang county of the capture of the four missionaries. Emperor Qianlong was immediately reported this incident and issued an edict that govern and governor-generals of all provinces arrest missionaries and Chinese Catholic. Eighteen missionaries and about four hundred Chinese Catholic was arrested and interrogated by Qing bureaucrat. Some of Chinese Catholic were died in the prison, the others were tried in the court and sentenced to be exiled to Xinjiang or flogged. Six missionaries were died in prison and nine missionaries were banished to their own countries and three missionaries were allowed to reside at Catholic Church in Beijing in order to serve emperor Qianlong. This incident was called the great persecution of 18th century China. With the help of chief minister Agui and Hesen, emperor Qianlong took lead all the process of the great persecution. On the surface the persecution was proceeded by judicial procedure of Qing dynasty, Actually the procedure was decided by emperor Qianlong’s will. The reason was that according to the Qing judicial system, emperor issues some order, it became edict which takes legal force at once. As emperor Qianlong dealt with the persecution a little mildly, he could not only show off his tolerance as emperor, but also he could control missionaries and Chinese Catholic.

청 중기 사천의 은유통확대 (銀流通擴大) 와 백련교반란 (白蓮敎反亂)

이준갑(Lee Jun Gab) 중국사학회 1999 中國史硏究 Vol.6 No.-

嘉慶年間的白蓮敎叛亂雖使嘉陵江東邊的四川疲憊不堪, 但령一方面也使大量的白銀流入四川. 從淸朝的內庫, 河南, 山東, 山西的布政司庫銀到廣東, 兩淮鹽商的捐款, 有3千萬兩以上的白銀作爲戰費流入四川. 這些白銀用來發放官兵, 鄕勇的月餉, 支付與軍糧, 軍服, 武器, 輸送等軍需補給有關的商人, 手工業者, 人夫等的費用. 流入這些人手中白銀日后擴大了四川白銀的流通. 通過分析巴縣당案中記載的店鋪, 土地, 房屋等不動産買賣, 典當, 賃貸契約的文書上出現的交易形式. 發現乾隆年間主要用銅錢, 嘉慶, 道光年間至要用白銀進行交易. 用白銀交納押租的傾向也是從嘉慶年間開始越來越明顯. 白銀流通的擴散當然體現了淸初以來米穀輸出, 商品生産和交易擴大等經濟發展的結果. 可是如果只强調這一点的話, 那마四川的貿易中心地巴縣(重慶)在嘉慶年間白銀流通擴大的理由就無法說明了. 隨着白銀流通的擴大和淸朝初期以來經濟的持續發展, 嘉慶, 道光年間四川商人有了長足的發展. 四川商人們在白蓮敎叛亂時投機穀物成功后, 開始參與遠距離貿易和海外貿易, 還有商品農作物的栽培和流通, 幷將栽培玉米, 馬鈴薯, 甘藷産生的剩餘糧食輸出, 幷參與了與陜西商人合作等多種貿易活動, 蓄積了資本, 幷向外省貿易擴展活動范圍. 自白蓮敎叛亂, 淸朝因爲龐大的戰費支出而蕩盡了財政的영餘, 無法負擔的財政赤字使得淸朝日漸衰退. 可是作爲白蓮敎叛亂鎭壓費用而流入的白銀却活躍了地區經濟. 當淸朝走向衰退的時候, 四川反而白銀流通急速擴散, 四川商人也隨之迅速成長積累了흔大的財富. 就這樣, 除了輸出穀物, 商品經濟發展等經濟因素以外, 白蓮敎叛亂這個非經濟因素也成爲白銀流通擴散的重要背景. 這就是在淸朝中期四川的白銀流通過程中表現出的歷史特點.

19 세기 후반 사천염상 호신이당 ( 胡愼怡堂 ) 의 염업경영과 ' 보산 '

이준갑(Jun Gab Lee) 중국사학회 2001 中國史硏究 Vol.13 No.-

本論稿主要考察在 $quot;川鹽濟楚$quot; 時期成長起來, 幷一直活動到民國年間的自貢的鹽商家族 $quot;胡愼怡堂$quot; 的活動情況. 胡愼怡堂最初從棉業起家, 接着在 $quot;川鹽濟楚$quot; 時期, 在鹽業獲得成功, 幷積蓄地産, 不久打入金融界. 胡愼怡堂的第一代經營者胡元海最初所從事的活動是從鹽井里提取鹽水, 將鹽水煮成鹽來出수. 他創立的獨自經營和 $quot;以井創井$quot; 兩條經營原則, 被他的后代繼承下來. 胡愼怡堂的第二代經營者胡承鈞時期是擴大經營的時期. 他將經營規模擴大到鹽的運輸業, 將鹽的銷수地擴大到湖廣地區. 製三代經營者胡汝修則通過整頓鹽業組織和進行技術革新, 使胡愼怡堂的發展達到頂峰. 處于極盛時期的胡愼怡堂, 在第四代經營者胡孝先和胡鐵華時期, 正處于軍閥活動時期, 開始走向沒落. 導致其沒落的主要原因, 從內部來看, 主要因吸食鴉片, 家産分割, 奢侈和浪費等行徑. 但是奢侈和浪費行爲是値得重新考慮的. 因爲, 通過似爲浪費的活動同官神交游, 在關鍵的時刻也許能成爲支撑經營活動的無形的資本. 導致其沒落的外部原因是來自政治權力的壓力. 尤其在政治混亂的民國時期, 官僚或者軍閥的壓力, 無疑對胡愼怡堂的沒落産生了相當大的影響. 卽便在經濟上十分富有, 但如果其家族成員中沒有紳士或官僚的話, 守護家産同樣極其危險. 胡愼怡堂試圖 $quot;以官保産$quot; , 所以他們消耗巨資通過捐納買官職, 同官僚紳士們交游, 同進士出身的御史趙熙結成婚姻關系等. 顯而易見, 政治權力對商人造成的壓力是不小的. 對鹽商的硏究似乎不少, 但是以一個鹽商家族的盛衰過程爲中心分析其曆史意義的論文似乎不多, 本稿在這一方面比起以往的硏究內容更加具體一些.

청대 사천의 인구이동과 객민

이준갑(Jun Gab Lee) 한국중국학회 2001 중국학보 Vol.43 No.-

N/A

天主敎令과 中國傳統

李俊甲(Lee, Jun Gab) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.142 No.-

明ㆍ淸時代 四川社會의 連續性에 관한 一考察

李俊甲(Lee Jun-Gab) 동양사학회 1998 東洋史學硏究 Vol.62 No.-

順治年間 淸朝의 湖廣剿撫와 兵餉補給

李俊甲(Lee Jun-Gab) 동양사학회 1994 東洋史學硏究 Vol.48 No.-

淸 中 · 後期 四川 三費局의 設立과 運營

李俊甲(Lee Jun-gab) 동양사학회 2001 東洋史學硏究 Vol.74 No.-

이기지(李器之)(1690~1722)의 『일암연기(一菴燕記)』에 묘사된 ‘작은 서양(西洋)’

이준갑 ( Lee Jun-gab ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2016 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.43

본고는 이기지가 저술한 『일암연기』에 나타난 서양의 모습을 전반적으로 검토하려는 목적에서 집필하였다. 『일암연기』는 현재까지 알려진 연행록 가운데 서양인과 천주당 관련 기록을 가장 자세하고 풍부하게 담고 있고 이들에 대한 객관적 시각도 갖추고 있다. 천주당이라는 극히 제한된 공간과 연행 기간 동안이라는 짧은 시간 속에서 그가 만나 서양인이 극소수이고 그가 경험한 서양 문물도 극히 제한적이었다는 사실을 고려하면 『일암연기』에서 묘사한 서양은 ‘작은 西洋’이었다. ‘작은 서양’을 구성하는 천주당 공간은 別世界라고 표현되었을 정도로 이기지에게 색다르게 다가왔다. 그 공간은 입구에서부터 맞은편 제단까지 거리가 길고 좌우 폭이 좁은 긴 직사각형 모양의 서양식 공간이었다. 좁고 긴 공간은 스테인드글라스를 통해 들어오는 서양식 빛 때문에 실내가 밝았다. 서양식 공간과 서양식 빛 속에서 이기지는 사해동포로서 마음이 통하는 서양인들을 만나고, 생동감과 입체감이 넘치는 종교화를 감상했다. 제작 기술이 사람의 솜씨를 초월한 듯이 신기하고 정교한 서양 기물을 만지고 작동시켜 보았으며 갖가지의 다른 서양 것들을 체험해 보았다. 이기지는 서양 화법이나 기물 제작 기술의 정교함에 감탄을 거듭했고 그 정교함을 탄생시킨 서양 학문의 정묘함을 인정하게 되었다. 『일암연기』에서 서양인은 華夷論으로 멸시하는 대상으로 묘사되지는 않았다. 오히려 사해동포라는 관점에서 서로 대등하며 더불어 살아가는 존재로서 인식되었다. 『일암연기』에는 일방적인 배척과 수용이 아닌 중립적이고 객관적인 입장에서 서양을 바라보는 시선이 담겨 있다. 18세기 전반 ‘작은 西洋’을 체험했던 조선 지식인이 가졌던 대외 인식의 유연성을 『일암연기』에서 엿볼 수 있다. 이런 그의 태도는 18세기 이후 이익을 비롯한 일군의 학자들이 西器中國原流說을 수용하여 ‘문화중심의 화이론’을 견지했던 것과는 무척 대비된다. The purpose of this study is to examine the character of the western world depicted in Ilamyeongi written by Leegiji. There are a lot of contents intimately related with westerner and Catholic church at Beijing in Ilamyeongi. So we can say that Ilamyeongi is the most important document to study the way of Joseon literati’s understanding western world. In this study, I defined the western world depicted in Ilamyeongi as ‘the small western world’, because Leegiji's travel to Beijing was so short that he could not get enough information on western civilization and institutions. In spite of the restricted circumstance, Leegiji visited Catholic church and met missionaries in Beijing as much as possible. He saw and operated many instruments from western world in Catholic church. After that, he found that western instruments and scientific technique were very accurate. So he understood western world with objective attitude which was very different from most other Joseon litrerati's sino-barbarian theory.