전기 자극이 치주인대세포와 치은섬유아세포에 미치는 영향

이욱,박준봉,이만섭,권영혁,Lee, Wook,Park, Joon-Bong,Lee, Man-Sup,Kwon, Young-Hyuk 대한치주과학회 1999 Journal of Periodontal & Implant Science Vol.29 No.4

On the basis of the evidences that electrical stimulation could enhance proliferation and differentiation of bone cells and promote healing and regeneration of bone, this study was performed to investigate the effects of electrical stimulation on human periodontal ligament cells and gingival fibroblasts in vitro, which also have important roles in regeneration of periodontium, and to evaluate the potential of clinical application of electrical stimulation. Human periodontal ligament cells and gingival fibroblasts were primarily cultured from the root surface of extracted premolar and the adjacent gingiva without periodontal diseases. In control group, the cells ($5{\times}10^4$ cells/ml)were incubated only in Dulbecco's Modified Eagle's Medium contained with 10% fetal bovine serum. In test groups, electrical stimulation was given at the current intensity of $0.25{\mu]A$(test group 1), $1.0{\mu}A$(test group 2), and $2.5{\mu}A$(test group 3) for 12 hours to the same culture media with the control group. After 12 hour exposure of electrical stimulation, the cells were incubated for 2 and a half days(60 hours), and then each group of cells was analyzed for cell proliferation, protein level, and activity of alkaline phosphatase. The results were as follows ; 1. The Rate of cell proliferation of every test group increased significantly in both periodontal ligament cells and gingival fibroblasts, and in periodontal ligament cells, test group 3 showed significantly increased proliferation compared to the other test groups(p<0.05). 2. In the protein levels, neither periodontal ligament cell nor gingival fibroblast showed statistically significant differences between control and test groups. 3. The activity of alkaline phosphatase in periodontal ligament cells increased significantly in all test groups(p<0.05), but there were no significant differences between 3 test groups. In gingival fibroblasts, the activity of alkaline phosphatase increased significantly only in test group 3(p<0.05). From the above results, it is concluded that electrical stimulation may have beneficial effects on the regeneration of destructed periodontal tissue in regard of the stimulation of periodontal ligament cells and gingival fibroblasts as well as electrically stimulated bone formation that has been known, and that electrical stimulation may have the potential of clinical application.

예연소실 (豫燃燒室) 형상이 농용 디이젤엔진의 성능에 미치는 영향

이욱,이승규,김성태 ( Wook Lee,Seung Kyu Lee,Sung Tae Kim ) 한국농업기계학회 1983 바이오시스템공학 Vol.8 No.1

조선시대 노성 궐리사(闕里祠)와 공자 사당

이욱(Lee, Wook) 한국종교학회 2007 宗敎硏究 Vol.47 No.-

朝鮮前期 冤魂을 위한 祭祀의 변화와 그 의미

이욱(Lee, Wook) 한신대학교 종교와문화연구소(구 한신인문학연구소) 2001 종교문화연구 Vol.- No.3

확산 텐서 영상으로부터 신경섬유 경로의 생성과 알츠하이머 환자와 정상인의 비교 분석

이욱 ( Wook Lee ),박병규 ( Byung-kyu Park ),한경숙 ( Kyung-sook Han ) 한국정보처리학회 2013 한국정보처리학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.20 No.1

알츠하이머병은 치매의 주요 원인 중 하나로 기억, 판단, 언어 등의 지적 기능의 감퇴뿐만 아니라 인격, 행동양상 장애 등을 동반하며 결국은 환자를 죽음에 이르게 하는 위험한 병이다. 본 연구는 뇌 백질의 비등방성을 잘 보여줄 수 있는 확산 텐서 영상 (diffusion tensor imaging; DTI) 데이터로부터 신경섬유 경로를 생성하고, 알츠하이머병 환자와 정상인의 신경섬유 경로의 특징을 비교 분석하였다. FSL 프로그램을 사용하여 생성한 신경섬유 경로에서 알츠하이머 환자와 정상인 집단간의 신경섬유 경로는 부피와 밝기에 커다란 차이를 보인다. 특히, 신경섬유 경로의 부피에서 현저한 차이가 있다는 점은 알츠하이머의 조기 진단에 유용하게 사용될 수 있다.

연구 논문 : 조선시대 왕실 제사와 제물의 상징: 혈식(血食)· 소식(素食)· 상식(常食)의 이념

이욱 ( Wook Lee ) 한국종교문화연구소 2011 종교문화비평 Vol.20 No.20

The spaces where the memorial services for kings and queens of Joseon had been done include Jongmyo (宗廟), royal tombs and Munsojeon (文昭殿). Each of them had kept its own form, having unique spatial characteristics and historical meanings. This study compared the differences of sacrifices used at the sacrificial rites in those spaces and examined their meanings. Jongmyo practiced the tradition of raw meat table (血食) which used sacrifice. Based on ancient time`s scriptures, raw meat table highlighted the way of god rather than that of human. So, it revered the transcendence of the late king and the reverentness of rite to the utmost. On the other hand, the sacrificial rites at royal tomb used meatless table (素食) that was comprised of honey pastry, fruits, rice cake and vegetable soup. The tradition of meatless table was formed under the influence of Buddhism which took charge of royal tomb protecting and rite supporting. The tradition, which showed abstinent and cloistered image, had been continued in Joseon period in the justification of the late kings` practices and economic management. Munsojeon was classified into popular custom, royal tomb rite alike, and served the table mainly with honey pastry. However, it used meat soup, unlike royal tomb rite. Such inclusion of meat was different from the sacrifice of Jongmyo. The table of Munsojeon was intended to serve the dead parents with the same food they had enjoyed when they were living (常食). This article considered it as the practice of filial duty through everyday table. While Jongmyo revealed the reverentness through raw meat table, Munsojeon tried to realize the friendliness of blood ties through everyday table. However, as everyday table included three times of meal in a day, it fell into the risk of filthiness and dirtiness. Finally, Munsojeon was not recovered after it was burnt during Japanese invasion of Joseon in 1592. The three forms of table show the trace of religions in East Asia, such as ancient times` sacrifice rite, the introduction of Buddhism and the expansion of Confucianism since Chinese Song(宋) dynasty. The everyday table of Munsojeon in the Early Joseon represented well the atmosphere of the age to expand the ritual of Confucianism while excluding that of Buddhism. It also expressed the nature of Confucianism to stand up to the severance from death with the continuity of everyday life.

17세기 兩湖鹽鐵使制 運營推移와 意味

이욱(Lee Wook) 고려사학회 2003 한국사학보 Vol.- No.15

壬辰倭亂中 鹽政의 展開와 性格

李旭(Lee Wook) 역사실학회 2002 역사와실학 Vol.24 No.-

The Chosun government entrusted private autonomy with the salt production and the sales. However, the outbreak of ImJinWaeRan(壬辰倭亂) compelled adjustment of these policies. The basic policy converted to a method it was so played, and the government produced salt directly, and to sell. It was YeomCheolSa(鹽鐵使) dispatched, or to have entrusted a local governor with the responsibility. However, the state-run commerce that a tyranny did not hold a change of the social structure rather resulted in a lot of abuse. It was due to Chosun government's to get a hasty policy in a financial supplement. And It was currently due to a local governor or GungBang(宮房), a nobleman(士大夫) getting profit through salt distribution. Afterwards, the salt policy of Chosun Dynasty was proceeded with course to eliminate participation of a government about Salt production or sale. Entrance to comment on direct intervention for a national commerce and industry achieved the mainstream. It is so done and emphasizes financial thrift and benevolence and righteousness and two characters can do a root the opening of a port has reality strong before, and an assertion having been reflected at policy or thoughts in agriculture.

조선시대 망자(亡者)를 위한 음식: 국상(國喪)을 중심으로

이욱 ( Wook Lee ) 한국종교문화연구소 2016 종교문화비평 Vol.29 No.29

본 연구의 목적은 조선시대 국상(國喪) 기간 동안 망자(亡者)에게 올리는 음식의 내용과 그것이 지닌 문화사적 의미를 밝히는 것이다. 약 27개월 동안 여러 가지 의식이 순차적으로 시행되는 유교 상례(喪禮)에서 음식은 매우 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 유교 지식인들은 망자에 대한 음식의 제공을 육체를 잃은 망자의 영혼을 안정시키기 위한 것으로 설명하였다. 그런데 이러한 음식의 제공은 상례 기간 중 단계적 차이를 보여준다. 음식을 올리는 의식(儀式)은 시신을 무덤[능]에 안장(安葬)하는 시점을 기준으로 전(奠)과 제(祭)로 구분되었다. 일반적으로 하관(下官; 시신을 땅에 묻는 의식) 이후부터 제(祭)가 등장하는데 이것은 이때부터 망자를 산 자가 아닌 조상의 신으로 간주하기 때문이다. 그러나 조선시대 상례는 망자를 신으로 간주하는 시간을 최대한 늦추려고 하였다. 시신을 안장한 후 신주(神主)를 혼전(魂殿; 하관 후 남은 상기 동안 신주를 모시는 공간)에 봉안하고 지내는 제사에서는 고기반찬을 사용하지만 희생(犧牲)을 드리진 않는다. 이러한 혼전의 제사는 빈전(殯殿)의 전(奠)과 종묘의 혈식(血食; 희생을 도살하여 바치는 제사) 사이의 중간 단계로 자리 잡았다. 한편 전(奠)이나 제(祭)와는 별도로 매일 식사 시간에 올리는 상식(上食)이 있었다. 상식은 돌아가신 부모를 살았을 때와 같이 봉양하는 효의 실천으로 간주되어 조선후기 사회에서 매우 중요시되었다. 국상(國喪)에서는 관(官)에서 올리는 상식과 왕실에서 올리는 상식이 각각 외상식(外上食)과 내상식(內上食)으로 구분되었다. 그리고 상식은 궁궐의 빈전과 혼전 외에도 왕릉에서도 올렸다. 조선후기에는 상식을 마치는 시점에 관한 논쟁이 있었지만 상기(喪期)가 끝날 때까지 거행하는 것으로 정해졌다. 그리하여 27개월 동안 매일 아침과 저녁으로 음식을 바쳐서 망자를 곁에 두고 추모의 감정을 다하였다. 이러한 음식은 상주(喪主)로 하여금 일상적인 효의 실천을 통하여 죽음의 충격을 극복하고 일상으로 돌아올 수 있게 해주었다. The purpose of this study is to shed light on the food offering rituals for the dead on the occasion of the state mourning process, guksang(國喪) in terms of its content and culture-historical context. It has been lasted during the whole period of the Joseon Kingdom. The food offering to the dead as recognized takes a serious meaning in the Confucian funeral rites(喪禮). It has been performed and implemented during funeral rites one by one over 27 months period of mourning process. According to Confucian scholars food is offered in order to comfort the dead, who lost their physical bodies. The format of such food offerings has been changed in different stages over the course of the funeral rite. The body burial in the tomb(安葬) is considered as the crucial point and the food offer ceremonies(儀式) were divided into jeon (奠) and je(祭). Je(祭) is typically performed after the hagwan(下官; ceremonial burial of the coffin), because from that point on the dead were considered no longer living being, but rather an ancestral spirit-gods. The funeral rite, however, intended to delay as much as possible the period at which the dead were considered as spirit-gods. After the body is buried, during the jesa(祭祀) that takes place when the sinju(神主) is enshrined in the Honjeon(魂殿; the place in which the sinju is invited and to stay longer till the end of mourning session after burial), meat dishes are dedicated to altar but no killing sacrifices(犧牲) are made to. This type of jesa at the Honjeon was established as the middle stage between the jeon(奠) of the Binjeon(殯殿) and the hyeolsik(血食; jesa in which an object of killing-sacrifice is slaughtered and dedicated) at Jongmyo. Sangsik(上食) on the side of jeon or je, was prepared everyday during every mealtimes. Sangsik, considered the continuous filial duty to parents till death as well as while they are alive, was of great importance until late Joseon society. In the state mourning ritual(國喪), sangsik was divided into oisangsik(外上食), which was performed by court officials(官), and naesangsik(內上食), which was performed by the royal family. Outside the palace Binjeon and Honjeon, sangsik was also performed at the Royal Tomb. Although there were debates over when to end the sangsik in the later period of Joseon, decisions were made to hold them until the end of the mourning period(喪期). It is speculated that food offering is holding the dead near the descendents and commemorating the ancestors at utmost, morning and evening, during 27 months period. Food has helped the sangju(喪主) to do the fulfillment of filial duty and to overcome the shock of death and to come back to normal everyday life.

유교 혼례의 절차와 상징성에 관한 고찰

이욱 ( Lee Wook ) 한국계보연구회 2011 한국계보연구 Vol.2 No.-

유교에서 혼례는 관례를 통해 어른임을 확인받은 사람이 부모에 게서 벗어나 다른 사람과 만나 새로운 터전을 마련하는 과정의 하나이다. 『의례(儀禮)』에 규정화된 혼례의 절차는 납채(納采),문명(問 名), 납길(納吉), 납징(納徵), 청기(請期),친영(親迎)의 여섯 가지 절차로 되어있다. 본고에서는 이 육례(六禮)를 중심으로 유교 혼례의 절차와 의미를 살펴보았다. 먼저 본고에서는 혼례의 목적을 이성(異性) 의 결합, 계승과 다산(多産), 통제와 분별(分別)이라는 세 가지 주제로 나누어 고찰하였다. 그리고 혼례의 절차를 역시 세 가지의 관점에서 살펴보았다. 첫째는 배우자 찾기라는 관점에서 본 선택의 과정이다. 여기서 의례의 주체는 신랑과 신부의 당사자가 아니라 그들의 부모이다. 납채, 문명, 납길, 납징 등 혼례의 주요 절차는 결혼의 상대를 선택하는 것이다. 청기 역시 혼례 날짜의 선택 과정이다. 이러한 선택의 의례화는 타자를 만남에 따른 불안과 희망을 동시에 보여준다. 둘째, 신랑과 신부의 관점에서 혼례를 바라보는 것이디-. 여기서는 친영의 과정 속에 내포된 합일의 상징이 중요시 되었다. 마지막으로 여성의 입장에서 신부가 친정아버님의 훈계로부터 시댁 사당에서 조상을 알현할 때까지의 입문 과정을 살펴보았다. In Confucianism, nuptials are the processes in which men and women, who were confirmed as adults through coming of age ceremony, escaped from their parents, met the opposite sex and set up new bases of life. The procedure of nuptials provided in『Uirye(儀禮)』 of six components: Napchae(納采), Munmyeong(問名), Napgil(納吉), Napjing(納徵), Cheonggi(請期) and Chinyeong(親迎). This study examined the purposes of nuptials in three topics: union between other sexes, succession & fecundity, and control & differentiation. The procedure of nuptials was also examined by three viewpoints. The first was the selection process in terms of seeking spouse. The main agents of selection process were not the bride and groom, but the parents of them. From Napchae, Munmyeong and Napgil to Napjing, the most of nuptials processes was spouse selecting. Similarly, Cheonggi is also the selection of date of nuptial ceremony. The formalization of selection shows at the same time the hope and anxiety that would arise when meeting other person. The second was watching nuptials from the viewpoint of bride and groom. Here, the symbolism of union connoted in Chinyeong process was importantly considered. Lastly, this study examined from the viewpoint of women the introduction processes starting with bride’s listening the discipline of her father ending at bride’s audience to the shrine of her groom.