구개음화 규칙과 그 이론적 함축

이병건(Byung-Gun Lee) 성곡언론문화재단 1980 성곡논총 Vol.11 No.-

마그네슘 금속으로부터의 산화마그네슘 나노와이어 제조

이병건 ( Byung Gun Lee ),최진섭 ( Jin Sub Choi ) 한국공업화학회 2011 공업화학 Vol.22 No.5

본 실험에서는 옥살산과 알코올계 용매를 사용하여 마그네슘 호일의 화학적 식각에 의해서 마그네슘 옥살레이트(Magnesium oxalate) 나노구조를 제조하였다. 알코올계 용매 중 에탄올 용매에서 마그네슘 옥살레이트 나노와이어를 얻을 수 있었다. 시간에 따른 나노와이어의 형성 과정을 살펴보았고, FE-SEM을 통하여 형상을 살펴보았다. TGA 분석을 통하여 열처리 조건을 결정하였다. 열처리를 통하여 마그네슘 옥살레이트 나노와이어에서 산화마그네슘(MgO) 나노와이어로 전환시켰고, 이를 FE-SEM과 FT-IR을 통하여 확인하였다. Herein, we fabricated magnesium oxalate nanostructures by chemical etching of a magnesium foil in alcoholic solvents containing acidic media. Interestingly, we could obtain magnesium oxalate nanowires in ethanolic oxalic acid. Growth mechanism for magnesium oxalate nanowires was investigated in terms of etching time. Annealing conditions were determined from TGA results. Magnesium oxalate nanowires were converted to magnesium oxide nanowires by thermal treatment and the magnesium oxide nanowires were examined by FE-SEM and FT-IR measurement.

Elsewhere Condition 을 고쳐 생각하다

이병건 국어학회 1979 국어학 Vol.8 No.-

Aldous Huxley 의 미래상 : Ape and Essence 를 중심으로

이병건 서울대학교 교양과정부 1969 論文集 Vol.1 No.-

음운론에 있어서의 추상성 조건(Ⅰ) : 현대 한국어의 모음을 증거로하여

이병건 서울대학교 어학연구소 1974 語學硏究 Vol.10 No.2

음운론의 주된 관심사중의 하나는 형태소의 교체(morphemic alternation)를 설명하는 것이다. 이로해서, 기저 쎄그먼트(underlying segments)는 형태소의 교체가 다른 분석의 동기를 주지 않는 한, 음성 표시(phonetic representations)와 동일하게 표시되어야 한다는 조건 또는 원칙이 당연히 생겨난다. 본고에서는 형태소 내부에서(morpheme-internaily) 발생하며, 따라서 아무런 이음(allophone)을 가지고 있지 않은 쎄그먼트는 그 기저 쎄그먼트가 음성표시에서 실제로 나타나는 것과는 달리 표현되어야 하는지를 검토하고, 위의 조건이 지켜져야 한다는 것을 현대 한국어의 모음 체계를 증거로 하여 살펴보려고 한다.

자립 자립분절음 음운론

이병건 서울대학교 어학연구소 1986 語學硏究 Vol.22 No.3

This study is an attempt toward a revised theory of Autosegmental Phonology the typical models of which are put forward in Goldsmith(1976) and Haraguchi(1977). In the approach taken here the autosegmental tier is represented as a sequence of slots associated in a one-to-one fashion with the P-bearing units on the segmental tier. As for tonal autosegments, a slot filled with a tone is represented by H or L, and an empty one by OH. A single Tone-bearing unit (TBU) may be associated with more than one slot, but not vice versa. A derivation within this model is illustrated with an example from the Tokyo dialect of Japanese(cf. Haraguchi 1977) : (1) a t a m a - made 'head + even' | | | || OH OH H H OH Underlying Representation OH H-Erasure L Polarity one Assignment (6.a.ⅰ) H H L Autosegment Spreading(8) L Initial Lowering Rule(3) L H H LL Surface Representation The structure of phonological representation presented here is supported by abundant evidence drawn from a number of languages, especially from the Kosung dialect of Korean and the 15th-century Korean; and it is shown that it entails the literal independence of the autosegmental tier. For instance, in the model which allows one single tone to be linked with more than one TBU, Initial Lowering Rule which applies in deriving surface forms like the one in (1) should be stated as in (2), as is the case with Haraguchi (1977) (2) VC_OV VC_OV \/→ | | / ## C_0 ___ H L H Within the framework of A(uto)-A(utosegmental) Phonology, however, it is formulated as in : (3) H → L /## ___ H As is clearly seen, this rule refers only to the tonal tier independently of the segmetal one. Tone rules may be stated in as simple and independent a manner as this, and even in case they must refer to the segmental tier, the reference will be remarkably simpler. Tone languages are classfied typologically as core-tone languages (formerly pitch-accent languages) and non-core-tone languages (formerly true tone languages). The former need universal Polarity Tone Assignment stated as in: (4) OH → -αT % αT ___ The environment αT is the core tone, which is either lexical or assigned by rule. This rule is expanded into the following subrules: (5) a. OH → -αT / αT ___ b. OH → -αT / ___ αT These in turn are expanded into the following: (6) a.ⅰ. OH → L / H ___ ⅱ. OH → H / L ___ b.ⅰ. OH → L / ___ H ⅱ. OH → H / ___ L The Kosung dialect described in §2 requires rules (6.a.ⅰ) and (6. b.ⅰ). As is exemplified in (1), Japanese dialects employ either rule (6.a.ⅰ) alone or both rule (6.a.ⅰ) and rule (6.b.ⅰ) (cf. Haraguchi 1977). And rule (6.b.ⅱ) is operative in Tonga (cf. Goldsminth 1981a). On the other hand, among non-core-tone languages are Chinese, the 15th-century Korean described in §3, Mende (cf. Leben 1973 and Goldsmith 1976), Margi (cf. Williams 1976), and Kikuyu (cf. Clements and Ford 1979). In place of Polarity Tone Assignment (4), non-core-tone languages adopt universal Tone Mapping Rule (7), to which language-particular condition may be added. (7) Assign a tone from the Bisic Tone Melody to each OH in a one-to-one fashion from left to right. Polarity Tone Assignment (4) and Tone Mapping Rule (7) alike feed universal Autosegment Spreading (8), which may also be qualified by language-particular condition. (8) Spread α, where α=the feature(s) of autosegment As in Hyman (1982 b,c), Poser(1983) and Pulleyblank(1983), the diacritic use of the abstract accent marker is abandoned in favor of the lexically linked core tone. And the device of default rules proposed in Pulleyblank(1983) is shown to be untenable. Lastly, the tone systems of the Kosung dialect and the 15th-century Korean are extensively analyzed to serve as sources which provide evidence in support of the revised model of A-A Phonology and as its testing grounds.

모음 조화의 특성

이병건 서울大學校 人文學硏究所 1985 人文論叢 Vol.15 No.-

On the basis of abundant evidence afforded by Korean and Turkish, it will be shown that the autosegmental analysis of vowel harmony (VH) the representative model of which is supplied in Clements(1980) is empirically and conceptually inadequate in crucial respects, and then an alternative analysis of VH will be proposed. For the brevity of exposition claim (1) and principle (2) are presented in advance, and the examples that follow will furnish evidence for them: (1) Root-initial vowels(RIV's) are lexically specified with harmonic feature(HF), but vowels elsewhere are not specified with it in regular cases. (2) The specified HF may not be changed by a word-level rule. Ex. 1 : Alternant pairs like ?? are found in the 15th-century Korean. The latter alternant is derived by the optional disharmony rule which applies before VH, Its trigger y specifies the second vowel, not lexically specified with HF, with the HF [-ATR], skipping over the RIV lexically specified with the HF [+ATR]. By virtue of (1) and (2), it is inevitable that the disharmony rule should behave as it does. Exs. 2-3: In the 15th-century Korean, *V in the sequence Cy*V can be any vowel specified with HF in root-initial syllables(RIS's), but it is invariably [+ATR] ?? elsewhere by a lexical redundancy rule(LRR). In spite of the LRR, the HF lexically specified, in accordance with (1), in RIS's remains intact in observance of (2). The very same phenomenon also obtains in the present-day Korean. Ex. 4 : In Korean, the first disappearance of ?? of the harmonic pair ?? : ?? (i.e. ??) had taken place only in non-root-initial syllables(NRIS's). The immunity of the RIS is attributable to (1) and (2). And the reason for the direction of the change ?? is that the feature complex [+voc, -cons, +high, +back, -round, 0 ATR] in NIRS's, formerly realized as v or ?? by VH, ceased to be filled in with HF by VH, with the result that the unfilled feature complex as it was became fixed as neutral ??. This strongly supports evidence for the latter part of (1). Exs. 5-6: As the direct consequence of ??, ?? acts synchronically as neutral exclusively in NRIS's, whereas the harmonic pair ?? and v still persist in RIS's. The asymmetry is derivable from (2), (1) and an extension of (1) which says that every root should bear at least one HF as trigger of VH. In the present-day Korean, u is neutral only in NRIS's. What is true of the neutral ?? is equally true of the neutral u. Ex. 7: In Korean, the second disappearance of v (i.e. ??), which had remained in RIS's after its first disappearance, cited in Ex.4, occurred in the late 18th century. The [-ATR] v lexically specified, in accordance with (1), with the HF could reasonably change to the [-ATR] vowel a, which is phonetically least different from v in the vowel system, rather than to its former harmonic counterpart ?? of the [+ATR] set. It is to be noted that the change is in the different direction from that of the first change. Ex. 8: In the Istanbul dialect of Turkish, a short vowel is unrounded before a palatal exclusively in NRIS's as in /??+mE+??/→[??], and the palatal umlaut rule is assumed to apply before two VH's. The root-initial ?? lexically specified with the HF [+round]is not to be affected by the umlaut rule. This is consistent with (1), and (2) is operative here. Ex. 9: In Turkish, only in NRIS's are non-high vowels, in regular cases, specified with the HF [-round] by a LRR. In conformity with (2), the LRR cannot affect the HF [+round] lexically specified, consistent with (1), in RIS's. According to Clements, in lexical representations the autosegments of HF in a separate tier are unbound in regular cases, but they are lexically bound to opaque vowels. The representations where RIV's are not specified with HF are not empirically justified at all, except that they are an extension from the autosegmental tonal representations; in fact, they run counter to the empirical evidence for (1). Furthermore, in view of the fact that the HF's of both RIV's and opaque vowels function equally as triggers, the representations in which the unbound and bound autosegments of HF coexist are conceptually complex, and such representations entail the establishment of two additional priority clauses to implement the well-formedness conditions. The natural corollary of (1) is that VH applies obligatorily and unboundedly affix-ward to the right and left, from the HF (i.e. the trigger) in a RIV (and an opaque vowel). Consequently, we can dispense with the well-formedness conditions, together with the two priority clauses, contingent upon the lexical representations sketched above. It must be added that the domain of VH is also defined by (1) and (2).

Point Counter Point 試論

이병건 서울대학교 교양과정부 1970 論文集 Vol.2 No.-

Point Cotnter Point는 Aldous Huxley가 modern novel을 쓰고저 처음으로 시도한 실험적인 소설이다. 그의 소설들에서와는 달리, 이 소설에서는 modernity가 modern idea의 상호작용을 통해서만 얻어지는 것이 아니라. 그가 말하는 이른바 musicalization of fiction을 통해서 얻어지고 있다. FROM PHILIP QUARLES`S NOTEBOOK이라는 제목이 붙은 Chapter Twenty-two와 Twenty-six에 이 소설, Point Cotnter Point 자체에 대한 이해에 크게 도움을 주는 해설을 보게 되는데, 그 Quarles`s Notebook에 바로 이 musicalization of fiction에 대한 다음과 같은 설명이 있다.

Phonological Opacity and the General Schema FAITH-to-INPUT

Lee, Byung-Gun 서울大學校 人文學硏究所 1998 人文論叢 Vol.39 No.-