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      • KCI등재후보

        대외관계로 본 가라국의 발전-5세기대를 중심으로

        유우창 부경역사연구소 2005 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.16

        This thesis examined the stream of Grar-gook(加羅國)’s foreign relationship in the 5th century. In Chapter 1, the object is to examine the political situations of three kingdoms in Korean Peninsula and its surrounding forces in the 4th century by three periods:360s, 370s and 380-90s. In Chapter 2, the object is to assume the location of ‘Imna Gara(任那加羅)’ shown on the article 10 year of ‘the Epitaph on the Monument of the King Gwang-gae-to’(「廣開土王陵碑文」) and to study Gara-gook’s countermeasures for Gogooryeo’s southward conquest by reexamining the facts of ‘Alla-in-su-byeong(安羅人戍兵)’. In Chapter 3, examining Gara-gook’s dispatched envoys to Namje of China(中國 南齊) in 479, the possibility has been raised that Gogooryeo intervened in direct exchange between Gara-gook and China.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        4세기 후반 가야-백제-왜 동맹의 결성 - 칠지도와 관련하여 -

        유우창 부경역사연구소 2015 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.36

        In the first part of chapter 1, I examined the fight of Goguryo and Baekje to occupy areas from the opposite sides of former territories of Nakrang and Daebang described in Samguksagi(『三國史記』) and Jinseo(『晋書』). In this paper, I noticed King Geunchogo’s title called ‘Leader of Nakrang area’(領樂浪太守), which has not been discussed but has always been in doubt Baekje, which won the former territory fight of Daebang in 369, had another victory for the former territory fight of Nakrang in 371 and had occupied this area for some period as well. In this regard, I examined the possibility that Baekje had played a role of Daebang and Nakrang before being expelled from the Korean Peninsula. In the second part of Chapter 1, I found that Beakje’s victory against Goguryo in this former territory fight resulted from its successful diplomatic negotiations with other countries. Especially, amicable relations with Gaya were found in King Seong’s remoirs: “At the rule of my ancestor kings Sokgo and Guisu, we dispatched our diplomats to Anra, Gara, and Taksun for the first time, communicated and cultivated friendship each other. We hoped to make perpetual prosperity through fellowship.” I took note the listed order to mention Anra, Gara and Taksun. Accordingly, I postulated that Baekje might make relationship with Gara on the listed order. Baekje established the friendly relation with Taksun before July 364. Therefore, Baekje set up the amicable relations in the order of Anra, Gara, and Taksun. In Chapter 2, I gave a general description to the existing history of the inscription of Seven-pronged Sword and linked the relations between Baekje and Wae to the literary historical materials such as NihonShoki(『日本書紀』). I tried to examine the reason that King Geunchogo of Baekje sent the Seven-pronged Sword to Wae in 372. At that year, Baekje had officially secured the dominion over ‘Nakrang’ and hoped to revive the role of Nakrang and Daebang before being expelled by Goguryo. Through its advanced cultures such as Seven-pronged Sword, Baekje tried to bring Wae to its side. On the other hand, Baekje might try to engage Wae by means of Seven-pronged Sword to conclude the diplomatic negotiation for checking the expansion of Goguryo. Finally Baekje succeeded in the relationship with Wae and besieging Goguryo in a semicircle. In Chapter 3, I examined the Gaya-Baekje-Wae Alliance made before 372 more concretely by comparison of literary historical materials and the inscription of Seven-pronged Sword. Baekeje’s ‘Conquer of Seven Gayas’ was only a process to promote mutual amity between Baekje and Gaya, and the phrse of Nihonshoki “Baekje is the west subordinate state of Wae” was not true in light of the inscription of Seven-pronged Sword, but Baekje took active measures to take Wae to its side. The Gaya-Baekje-Wae Alliance in the late 4th century had been collapsed with face of the ‘Southward Conquer’ of Goguryo. I note that Gaya withdrew the alliance and triggered the reorganization of social and political situations in the Korean Peninsula from the early 5th century.

      • KCI등재

        『駕洛國記』에 보이는 加羅國

        유우창 부경역사연구소 2016 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.39

        This paper was also noted that some of the listed records of garaguk in contact with Garakgukgi(『駕洛國記』). Thus, the so-called ‘area article Garakguk’ and king of the Garakguk royal lineage of the King Jwaji, compared with, such as Samguksagi and Nihonsoki, saw review. As a result, these records have been found the possibility to see the historical facts of Garaguk rather than Garakguk. ‘Area article Garakguk’ appears in the founding myth of KIng Suro. But the fact of the historical founding of King Suro time to can not see. Perhaps reflecting the greater the likely area of Garaguk after the loss of the Gimun region to the 6th century Baekje. The reason is because that the record ‘Jiri-Mountains’ or ‘east of Jiri-Mountains’ in one of the northwest region. King of the Garakguk royal lineage of the King Jwaji comparison with the first article in this month’s record Garaguk of Nihonsoki Keitai of 23 years in March is very similar in its content or structure surfaces. For example, there was the King Jwaji wife ‘Hired-Woman’ and King Inoe wife Silla princess led her flock to follow everyone. And the crowd has been withdrawn causes of the incident, such as ‘domestic disturbances’, or ‘changing clothes clothed’ receive the checks from the opposition, respectively. These results of this paper will be able to find its own means of paper in terms of the history of the future Garaguk, Garakgukgi will also be available as a single material. 본고는 『가락국기』에 전하고 있는 기록 중에 가라국의 것도 일부 실려 있음에 주목하였다. 그리하여 소위 ‘가락국의 영역 기사’와 가락국왕 세보 중 좌지왕조를 『삼국사기』 및 『일본서기』 등의 사서와 비교, 검토해보았다. 그 결과 이들 기록은 가락국의 史蹟이라기보다는 가라국의 사적으로 볼 여지도 있다는 하나의 가능성을 찾게 되었다. ‘가락국의 영역 기사’는 수로왕의 건국신화 중에 보인다. 하지만 수로왕 건국 무렵의 사실로는 볼 수 없다. 아마 6세기 전반 백제에게 기문지역을 상실한 후의 가라국의 영역을 반영했을 가능성이 높다. 그 까닭은 그 영역의 서북쪽이 ‘지리산’ 혹은 ‘지리산동’을 한계로 한다는 기록 때문이다. 가락국왕 세보 중 좌지왕조는 『일본서기』 계체기 23년 3월 첫 번째 시월조의 가라국 기사와 비교해보면 그 내용이나 구성 면에서 매우 유사하다. 예를 들면, 좌지왕의 부인이었던 ‘용녀’와 이뇌왕의 부인 신라왕녀는 모두 추종하는 무리를 이끌고 있다. 그리고 그 무리들은 ‘국내요란’, 혹은 ‘변복’ 등의 사건을 일으키며 각각 반대세력으로부터 견제를 받아 퇴출되고 있다. 본고의 이와 같은 연구 결과는 향후 가라국사 연구에 『가락국기』도 하나의 자료로서 이용될 수 있을 것이라는 측면에서 나름의 의미를 찾을 수 있지 않을까 한다.

      • KCI등재

        『일본서기』 신공기의 가야 인식과 ‘임나일본부’

        유우창 부경역사연구소 2014 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.35

        This article attempts to examine the Japanese perception of Gaya by the time of its compilation, based on Zinguki, especially from its chronicles about 49th to 52th years in Record of Japan. Also, the purpose of this study is to criticize the slanted view of compilers of Record of Japan, associating inscriptions on ‘the seven-branched sword(七支刀)’ belonged to Isonokami Shrine with two chronicles of Zinguki, so-called ‘Japanese conquest over seven Gaya countries’, from the chronicle about March, 49th year, and another chronicle related to the sword, from its 52th year. First, I make a generalization of the international situation of the Korean peninsula and its surrounding areas in the period related Zinguki, in order to take it as a first step to point out the compilers’ biased view of ‘Gaya as a subjugated state’. Particularly, it should be noted that there was a confrontation between Koguryo-Silla alliance, generated by southward extension of Koguryo, and Baekje-Gaya-Japan alliance, made from diplomacy of Baekje against the former in the later 4th century. Second, it is analyzed how Japan perceived Gaya, based on the historical sources King Pasa in Records of Three Kingdom in Korea(『三國史記』). Given the fact that ‘Imnailbonbu(任那日本府)’ was also called as ‘Allailbonbu(安羅日本府)’ in Kinmeiki(「欽明紀」) and the members of ‘Imnailbonbu’ inhabited in Alla(在安羅諸倭臣), the compilers of the book situated the location of Imna in ‘southwestern Gyerim’, because they gave attention to Allagook as the premis of ‘Imnailbonbu.’ Therefore, it can be said that the publishers of Record of Japan described Imna as allagook at Haman. Finally, the Japanese perception of Gaya in Zinguki is examined in detail. The first part of the last chapter, on the basis of existing research primarily, concentrates on the comparison of with the chronicle about Japanese conquest over seven Gaya with several terms showed in a part of Kinmeiki, which gives King Seong’s reminiscences, so as to criticize the view that exaggerate the role of Beakje. As a result, it is clarified that the former was attributed to the prerequisite that the seven Gaya countries should be subjected since the 4th century, as mentioned in other chronicles of Record of Japan, such as Geidaiki(繼體紀), Bidathuki(敏達紀), and Suikoki(推古記) The second part deals with that the perspective of compilers of the book and its transmission, analyzing the statements about the seven- branched sword in Zinguki in connection with the inscriptions of the real sword in the Shrine. A ‘postwar’ Japanese scholar(福山敏男) interpreted, or perceived, the latter as follows: after Japan conquered over seven Gaya countries and granted them to Beakje in 369, then Beakje immediately produced the sword and gave it as a present in return to Japan 3 years later. These kind of understandings are no more than a result that the view of the authors of Record of Japan had been passed down through generations, from the Kamakura and Meiji periods to postwar generations.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        『가락국기』 편찬과 역사적 의미

        유우창 한국고대사탐구학회 2020 한국고대사탐구 Vol.36 No.-

        The aim of this paper is to examine the background of the period that influenced the compilation of Garakkukgi(『駕洛國記』) and the texts that served as the basis for the contents of the composition, and consequently, to rethink the historical meaning of the historical book Garakkukgi. As is well known, Garakkukgi was compiled in King Munjong Period, the so-called heyday of the Goryeo Dynasty, and the later Ilyeon(一然) was abbreviated and Samgukyusa(『三國遺事』) was published by him. Without such a process, Garakkukgi would not have been passed on. Garakkukgi is the only documentary record devoted to the history of Gaya. Along with foreign literatures such as Samgukji(『三國志』) and Ilbonseogi (『日本書紀』) and records related to Gaya that are occasionally published in Samguksagi(『三國史記』) and Samgukyusa, it becomes a basic source of Gaya’s history research. As the background of the compilation of such an important Garakgukgi, first of all, as it has been known, we must highly appreciate the efforts or contributions made by Inju Lee, an influential family member of the King Munjong Period, to exalt their ancestors. In addition, it is worth paying attention to the status and role of the Goryeo Dynasty in Geumju, the former land of Garakguk. Among the texts used to compile the Garakgukgi, Gaehwangreok(『開皇曆』) appears to be recorded in the period of King Jinheung, when the preferential policy for surrendered Gaya people was most strongly enforced. It has the meaning that the recognition as the representative of Silla passed down to Goryeo, but in the end it is inevitable that it is the historical meaning of Garakkukgi. 본고는 『가락국기』의 편찬에 영향을 미친 시대적 배경과 구성 내용의 바탕이 된 저본들을 살펴보고, 결과적으로 『가락국기』라는 역사서가 가지는 역사적 의미를 다시 한 번 생각해보기 위해 작성되었다. 주지하는 바와 같이 고려 전대에 걸쳐 이른바 전성기라 칭할 수 있는 문종대에 『가락국기』는 편찬되었으며, 그것을 후대의 일연이 줄여서 자신이 편찬한 『삼국유사』에 실었다. 그와 같은 과정이 없었으면, 『가락국기』는 아마 失傳되었을 것이다. 『가락국기』는 내용상 가야사를 전론한 유일한 문헌기록이다. 『삼국지』, 『일본서기』 등 외국 문헌과 『삼국사기』 및 『삼국유사』에 간간히 실려 있는 가야 관련 기록들과 함께 가야사 연구의 기초적 사료가 된다. 이와 같이 중요한 『가락국기』가 편찬된 배경으로서, 우선 종래 알려져 온 바대로 문종대 세력가인 인주 이씨가 자신들의 조상을 드높이기 위해 기울인 노력 혹은 기여가 있었음을 높이 평가해야 하지만, 그에 더하여 가락국 고지인 금주에 대한 고려 조정의 위상과 역할 부여도 일정부분 주목해야 할 것이다. 『가락국기』를 편찬하기 위하여 활용된 저본들 중 『개황력』은 편찬 시기가 투항한 가야인들에 대한 우대 정책이 가장 강하게 시행되었던 진흥왕대로 보이며, 『가락국기』 중에 포함된 가락국 강역의 기록은 가락국이 가야의 대표라는 인식이 신라를 거쳐 고려 때까지 내려왔음을 뜻하는데, 결국 『가락국기』가 내포하는 가장 강력한 역사적 의미라 할 것이다.

      • KCI등재후보

        대외관계로 본 가라국의 발전 -5세기대를 중심으로-

        유우창 ( Yoo Woo Chang ) 부경역사연구소 2005 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.16

        This thesis examined the stream of Grar-gook(加羅國)’s foreign relationship in the 5th century. In Chapter 1, the object is to examine the political situations of three kingdoms in Korean Peninsula and its surrounding forces in the 4th century by three periods : 360s, 370s and 380-90s. In Chapter 2, the object is to assume the location of ‘Imna Gara(任那加羅)’ shown on the article 10 year of ‘the Epitaph on the Monument of the King Gwang-gae-to’( 廣開土王陵碑文) and to study Gara-gook’s countermeasures for Gogooryeo’s southward conquest by reexamining the facts of ‘Alla-in-su-byeong(安羅人戍兵)’. In Chapter 3, examining Gara-gook’s dispatched envoys to Namje of China(中國南齊) in 479, the possibility has been raised that Gogooryeo intervened in direct exchange between Gara-gook and China.

      • KCI등재

        ‘가야 고구려 동맹’의 형성과 추이

        유우창(Yoo, Woo Chang) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.44

        This paper is to pose a question about the conventional argument that political affairs on the Korean peninsula in the 4<SUP>th</SUP> and 5<SUP>th</SUP> centuries were consistently set in the confrontation between ‘Goguryeo Silla Alliance’ versus ‘Baekje Gaya Wa Alliance’ and to postulate Gaya seceded from ‘Baekje Gaya Wa Alliance’ and allied with Goguryeo after Goguryeo’s Southward Conquest. This paper also dissertates that Gaya took its own line on the basis of ‘multilateral diplomacy’ in alliances with other states including ‘Gaya Goguryeo Alliance’. In the first chapter, in order to verify the relations between Gaya and Ye(濊) in the 1<SUP>st</SUP> to 3<SUP>rd</SUP> centuries, I tried to relate records about Ye in books of Ye, Han(韓), Goguryeo(高句麗) and Okjeo(沃沮) in Records of Three Kingdoms( 三國志). Particularly, after the Jianan(建安) era when Daifang(帶方) Prefecture was established, Gaya’s commercial trade with Ye by means of iron trading presented a demonstration that it was actually a trade relation with Goguryeo. In this sense, the commercial trade between Gaya and Goguryeo by the 3<SUP>rd</SUP> century had been developed to the political relationship of alliance amidst the political turmoil on the Korean peninsula in the late 4<SUP>th</SUP> and early 5<SUP>th</SUP> centuries. In the second chapter, I tried to show the formation process of ‘Gaya Goguryeo Alliance.’ The premise is that Gaya abandoned its state name used in the Three Hans Era and began to use such a name as shown in the King Gwanggaeto’s Stele in the late 4<SUP>th</SUP> century at the latest. Through analyzing the article about ‘Goguryeo’s Southward Conquest’ in the Stele, I argue that ‘Gaya Goguryeo Alliance’ such as ‘Alla Goguryeo Alliance’ and ‘Gara Goguryeo Alliance’ was established right before and after 400. According to historical records and archeological materials, ‘Gaya Goguryeo Alliance’ seems to have been maintained until the 5<SUP>th</SUP> century round. In the third chaper, I tried to examine that the amicable relation between two states after the alliance broke up over the growing Goguryeo’s southward expansion policy and Gaya joined ‘Silla Baekje Alliance’. With the breakdown of the alliance with Goguryeo, however, Gaya took its own diplomatic stance and moved toward the ‘multilateral diplomacy’.

      • KCI등재

        『가락국기』편찬과 역사적 의미

        유우창(Yoo, Woo-chang) 한국고대사탐구학회 2020 한국고대사탐구 Vol.36 No.-

        본고는 『가락국기』의 편찬에 영향을 미친 시대적 배경과 구성 내용의 바탕이된 저본들을 살펴보고, 결과적으로 『가락국기』라는 역사서가 가지는 역사적 의미를 다시 한 번 생각해보기 위해 작성되었다. 주지하는 바와 같이 고려 전대에 걸쳐 이른바 전성기라 칭할 수 있는 문종대에 『가락국기』는 편찬되었으며, 그것을 후대의 일연이 줄여서 자신이 편찬한 『삼국유사』에 실었다. 그와 같은 과정이 없었으면, 『가락국기』는 아마 失傳되었을 것이다. 『가락국기』는 내용상 가야사를 전론한 유일한 문헌기록이다. 『삼국지』, 『일본서기』 등 외국 문헌과 『삼국사기』 및 『삼국유사』에 간간히 실려 있는 가야 관련 기록들과 함께 가야사 연구의 기초적 사료가 된다. 이와 같이 중요한 『가락국기』가 편찬된 배경으로서, 우선 종래 알려져 온 바대로 문종대 세력가인 인주 이씨가 자신들의 조상을 드높이기 위해 기울인 노력 혹은 기여가 있었음을 높이 평가해야 하지만, 그에 더하여 가락국 고지인 금주에 대한 고려 조정의 위상과 역할 부여도 일정부분 주목해야 할 것이다. 『가락국기』를 편찬하기 위하여 활용된 저본들 중 『개황력』은 편찬 시기가 투항한 가야인들에 대한 우대 정책이 가장 강하게 시행되었던 진흥왕대로 보이며, 『가락국기』 중에 포함된 가락국 강역의 기록은 가락국이 가야의 대표라는 인식이 신라를 거쳐 고려 때까지 내려왔음을 뜻하는데, 결국 『가락국기』가 내포하는 가장 강력한 역사적 의미라 할 것이다. The aim of this paper is to examine the background of the period that influenced the compilation of Garakkukgi(駕洛國記) and the texts that served as the basis for the contents of the composition, and consequently, to rethink the historical meaning of the historical book Garakkukgi. As is well known, Garakkukgi was compiled in King Munjong Period, the so-called heyday of the Goryeo Dynasty, and the later Ilyeon(一然) was abbreviated and Samgukyusa(『三國遺事』) was published by him. Without such a process, Garakkukgi would not have been passed on. Garakkukgi is the only documentary record devoted to the history of Gaya. Along with foreign literatures such as Samgukji(『三國志』) and Ilbonseogi (『日本書紀』) and records related to Gaya that are occasionally published in Samguksagi(『三國史記』) and Samgukyusa, it becomes a basic source of Gaya’s history research. As the background of the compilation of such an important Garakgukgi, first of all, as it has been known, we must highly appreciate the efforts or contributions made by Inju Lee, an influential family member of the King Munjong Period, to exalt their ancestors. In addition, it is worth paying attention to the status and role of the Goryeo Dynasty in Geumju, the former land of Garakguk. Among the texts used to compile the Garakgukgi, Gaehwangreok(『開皇曆』) appears to be recorded in the period of King Jinheung, when the preferential policy for surrendered Gaya people was most strongly enforced. It has the meaning that the recognition as the representative of Silla passed down to Goryeo, but in the end it is inevitable that it is the historical meaning of Garakkukgi.

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