단양 향교의 토지 관련 고문서 자료와 경제 기반

왕현종(Wang, Hyeon-jong) 忠北大學校 中原文化硏究所 2010 중원문화연구 Vol.13 No.-

Hyangkyo(鄕校) is the government school which was established in the middle of Koryo Dynasty and so spread throughout the country on the beginning of Chosun Dynasty. It was as the provincial educational system and performed the two functions, the function of formal Confucianism’s education and of religious service. Also Tanyang Hyangkyo was receiving some financial support as the property of land with the help of the central government. The economic data which possess in Tanyang Hyangkyo remain 11 documents. Some of these materials are the records about the possessions of owned land and the amount of the collected rents from their tenants. This record which is called HyangkyoWe Jundap Ahn(鄕校位田畓案, this is assumed to 1853), had revealed some data on the owned land after several modifications. Hyangkye JyelMok(鄕契節目, this is assumed to 1872) are the account documents for the expenses of memorial ceremony. And these account books which are called JukSungNok(積誠錄), have recorded all contributor’s list with was written from 1963 until 1974. These data documents reveals the economic and financial operation that Tanyang Hyangkyo have maintained from middle of 19th century until recently. These documents tell us the background of Confucian event has existed in Tangyang area.

광무 양전·지계사업 연구사와 토지소유권 논쟁

왕현종 ( Wang Hyeon Jong ) 연세사학연구회( 구 연세대학교 사학연구회 ) 2020 學林 Vol.46 No.-

대한제국기 광무 양전·지계사업의 연구는 1968년 김용섭 선생의 연구로부터 시작되었다. 초기 연구에서는 일제의 토지조사사업에 대비하여 대한제국의 양전사업과 지계사업이 나름대로 근대적 토지제도의 수립과정이었다고 평가하였다. 특히 토지조사 와 더불어 토지소유권 조사도 이루어지고 지계를 발급함으로써 토지소유자인 지주에게 소유권을 인정하였다고 보았다. 다만 봉건적 지주소작제를 청산하지 못한 채 일제의 토지조사사업으로 전개되었다고 하였다. 대한제국과 일제의 사업은 토지개혁의 조치가 없기는 하지만, 근대적 토지제도의 수립에서는 같은 궤도에 있는 것이라고 규정하였다. 초기 연구의 문제 의식과 연구 구성은 이후 대한제국과 일제하 토지문제를 밝히는데 기본 구도로 작용하였다. 1990년대부터 경제사 연구로부터 양전조사 과정, 특히 토지소유자의 조사 방식의 실증 분석을 통해 소유권 조사의 문제점을 지적하면서 대한제국의 수조지로서 파악에 불과하다는 비판이 있었다. 국사학계에서는 광무 양전·지계사업 전반에 대한 재검토를 통해 토지조사의 전진성과 토지소유자의 관계발급 과정 연구 등을 진행하였다. 최근까지도 광무 양전사업에 대한 논쟁이 진행되고 있지만, 토지소유권 사정과 발급에 관한 준거를 어떻게 규정할 것인가라는 과제가 남아있다. 특히 시주(時主)의 규정과 실효성에 대해 논란을 거듭하고 있다. 앞으로 광무 양전 지계사업 연구의 비판과 극복을 위해 본래 근대적 토지개혁이라는 시각을 더욱 확충하고 정교한 연구방법으로 계발할 필요가 있다. 예를 들면 광무양안의 사례연구, 즉 호적과 양안의 상호관계에 대한 실증이나 근대 토지소유권 법제정 연구과 더불어 근현대 토지개혁 과정 전반에 대한 관점으로 넓힐 필요가 있다. In 1968, Kim Yong-seop began studying the Korean Empire’s Gwangmu Yangjeon and Jigye projects. He concluded that the Korean Empire’s Yangjeon and Jigye projects were a result of the establishment of a modern land system that would accomplish the empire’s goals in preparation for land survey projects by Japan. In addition to land surveys, these projects consisted of land ownership surveys and official certificates of ownership were granted to landowners. However, land survey projects were conducted by the Japanese colonial government without abolishing the feudal landlord system. Although neither the Korean Empire nor the Japanese Empire implemented land reform measures, the establishment of a modern land system indicated that they were both headed in the direction of land reform. Awareness of problems and the composition of early research served as a basic structure for later studies which revealed land problems during the Korean Empire and the Japanese colonial periods. Since the 1990s, empirical analysis of the land ownership survey method conducted by economic historians has been criticized for revealing the problems of ownership investigations which was the basis of the Korean Empire’s land tax revenue system. Modern Korean historians have studied how land surveys have developed and the process of establishing land ownership through a review of the Gwangmu-Yangjeon projects. Debates over this issue remain ongoing as the land ownership situation and compliance with the issue remain unsettled. There has been particularly significant controversy over the regulation and effectiveness of landownership(시주, 時主). The perspectives on initial modern land reforms must be developed and they must be studied using advanced research methods to provide a critical appraisal of and to counter the findings of research on the Gwangmu Yangjeon project. For example, it is necessary to broaden the scope of the overall modern land reform process, to conduct a case study of Gwang-mu Yang-an to demonstrate the interrelationship between family registers on both sides, and to study modern land ownership legislation.

갑오개혁 이후 조선 유학생의 일본 유학과 유학 분야

왕현종(Wang, Hyeon Jong) 역사실학회 2019 역사와실학 Vol.69 No.-

본 논문에서는 갑오개혁이후 대한제국기 조선인의 일본 유학에 대해 갑오개혁 이후 유학생 파견 정책의 변화와 일본 유학생들의 자치단체인 친목회 활동을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 1895년 갑오개혁 이후 관비유학생 파견은 주로 일본 게이오 의숙에 무려 195명 정도로 대규모로 이루어졌다. 갑오개혁정부는 처음에는 독자적인 고등교육체계를 구상하고 있었지만, 일본의 압력하에 대학설립 구상이 포기된 채, 대규모 관비유학생 파견으로 전환하였다. 이에 후쿠자와 유키치의 게이오 의숙에 맡겨진 유학생들은 일본어 교육과 기초교과를 바탕으로 대학·전문학교 등 상급학교로 진학에 대비하였다. 또한 조선 유학생들은 자체적으로 친목회를 결성하여 주기적인 단체모임과 매달 정례 학술 모임을 통하여 결속을 다지고 선진 학문 수용과 여론 형성을 주도하였다. 이들의 주제 강연은 유학생 잡지인 『친목회 회보』(1~6회)에 수록되었는데, 유학생의 학업과 친목회 활동에 당부하는 글, 국민의 각성과 애국 논설, 국왕에 대한 절대적인 충군애국 강조, 전공 학문에 대한 소개글에 이르기까지 다양했다. 이들 조선 유학생들은 서구의 정치원리나 법적 체계를 비롯하여 최신 동향을 소개하고 나름대로 논점을 제기하고 있었다. 이 글에서는 주목한 것은 친목회규칙에 수록된 특별찬성원들이었다. 이들은 유학생 관리를 맡은 후쿠자와 유키치 등 게이오 의숙 관련자들뿐만 아니라 일본 주요 대학의 학장들과 일본 의회 및 법률관계 종사자들을 망라하고 있다. 110명의 특별찬성원들은 조선유학생들이 각 대학의 전공분야를 선별하는 데 결정적인 역할을 했을 것이다. 대한제국기에 들어와서 한국정부는 유학생 파견과 관리를 제대로 수행할 수 있는 체계를 갖추는 데 실패했다. 관비 유학대상자의 축소와 학자금 지급 등이 지연되었다. 졸업 이후 귀국한 관비유학생들은 주로 정치·법률학 관료나 학자로서 나아갈 수도 있었으나 1904년 이전까지 제대로 그런 분야에 진출하지 못했다. 본 논문에서는 갑오개혁 이후 조선 유학생들의 일본 파견과 학술활동을 전반적으로 분석하려고 하였다. 특히 친목회의 특별찬성원과의 연계망에 주목하여 유학생들의 전공 분야 선택의 관련성을 밝히려고 하였다. 그리고 졸업 후 조선유학생들의 관료 및 사회활동상을 개인별로 추적하여 살펴보았다. In this study of Koreans studying in Japan during the Korean Empire after the Gabo Reformation, I considered the change in the policy of sending students to Japan after the Gabo Reform and the activities of the autonomous organization of Korean students in Japan. The Government influenced by the Gabo reforms initially envisioned its own higher education system; however, under pressure from Japan, it abandoned the idea of establishing a university. As a result, large-scale government-funded students who were entrusted to Fukuzawa Yukichi, in Keio University(慶應義塾), were prepared for further study at higher schools, such as universities and vocational schools, based on Japanese language education and basic subjects. In addition, Joseon students formed their own fraternity groups to strengthen their solidarity and lead the adoption of advanced studies and public opinion through regular group gatherings and monthly academic meetings. Their lecture topics were included in the Journal of the Friendship Society, a magazine for students studying abroad, and the topics ranged from urging them to study, engaging in social activities, writing about awakening the patriotic spirit among people, an absolute emphasis on the King’s patriotic patriarchs, and other major studies. These Joseon students were introducing the latest trends, including Western political principles and legal systems, and were validating their own objectives. This article takes the special note of members of the Fellowship Rules. These include the heads of major Japanese universities, members of the Japanese parliament and legal workers, as well as Keio officials such as Fukuzawa Yukichi, who managed international students. These 110 special members would have played a decisive role in Joseon students’ choice of college majors. The Korean government, however, failed to establish a system to improve the effectiveness of managing and placing the students during the Korean Empire. There was a delay in bridging the gap in the numbers of students eligible for government grants and paying their tuition. After graduation, government-funded students who returned home were able to move forward mainly as political and legal officials or scholars; however, they were unable to enter the their field of employment until 1904. In this paper, I have tried to analyze the dispatch of Joseon students to Japan and their academic activities in general after the Gabo Reform. In particular, it was my endeavor to reveal the relevance of overseas students’ choice of majors by paying attention to the association’s network of special support for the fraternity. Finally, I tracked the awards for official and social activities that were bestowed by private individuals on the overseas Joseon students after their graduation.

일제강점 전후 도쿄제국대학 세키노 타다시의 강원도 문화재 조사와 식민성 - 1912년 원주 지역 고적 조사 활동을 중심으로 -

왕현종 ( Wang¸ Hyeon-jong ) 강원사학회 2022 江原史學 Vol.- No.38

본 논문은 일제강점 전후 도쿄제국대학 공과대 건축·고고·미술사학자 세키노 타다시의 강원도 문화재 조사, 특히 원주지역 고적조사에 대해 검토하였다. 그는 1902년부터 조선의 문화재와 고적에 대한 조사를 시작하여 1909년 이후 1915년까지 매년 한 차례씩 수개월에 걸쳐 각종 문화재의 상태와 등급을 매겨 보존의 가치를 매겼다. 특히 1912년 가을에는 강원도 지역 고적조사에 나섰는데, 춘천, 강릉, 오대산, 원주 일대 문화재를 조사하였다. 특히 원주 지역의 조사에 대해 원주는 신라 말기철불, 석물, 석탑 등 귀중한 문화재가 집중되어 있으며 경주 불교유적지에 버금간다고 평가하였다. 특히 흥법사지, 거돈자시, 법천사지 등 신라말 고려초에 만들어진 거대한 사찰과 석탑, 부도탑, 비문 등에 주목했다. 그런데 강원도 일대 문화재의 조사기록은 현재 일본 도쿄대학 종합박물관에 세키노 타다시의 ‘필드카드’로 남아있다. 그중에서 원주 문화재 36개 유물에 대한 47장의 필드카드에서는 문화재 발견 경위, 보존상태, 등급과 가치 등을 자세하게 기록하였다. 필드카드는 당시 문화재 보존이 제대로 이루어지지 않은 상황에서 유물 사진촬영과 조사내용을 상세하게 기록한 노트였다. 이러한 기록을 바탕으로 이후 「조선고적조사표(朝鮮古蹟調査表)」, 「고적조사약보고서(古蹟調査略報告書)」, 『조선고적도보(朝鮮古蹟圖譜)』 등으로 체계적으로 정리되었다. 한편 원주 지역의 문화재는 흥법사지 진공대사비 발견 사실이나 법천사지 지광국사 현묘탑의 반출과 같이 원 소재지에서 무단 이전되었으며, 1915년 조선공진회의 전시물로 활용되기도 하였다. 또한 조선의 학문과 문화발달을 중시하는 학자인 안확, 정인보 등은 세키노의 조선고적조사에 대해 비판적으로 본 반면, 최남선과 같은 이들은 그들의 공로를 인정하기도 하였다. 그러므로 1912년 강원도, 원주 지역에 대한 세키노 타다시의 조선 문화재 조사는 다음과 같이 평가할 수 있다. 하나는 체계적인 조사활동을 통하여 조선 각지의 문화재의 보존가치를 재평가할 수 있었다. 다른 하나는 일본인들의 문화재 약탈을 유발하고 식민지 지배의 역사적 정당화를 초래했다는 의미에서 일제의 식민지성을 그대로 나타냈다고 할 수 있다. This article reviewed the Gangwon-do Cultural Heritage Survey, focusing on the Wonju area, by Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), an architectural, archaeological, and art historian at Tokyo Imperial University before and after the Japanese colonial era. He began investigating Joseon’s cultural properties and monuments in 1902 and valued preservation by rating the condition of various cultural properties once a year from 1909 to 1915. In particular, in the fall of 1912, a survey was conducted on historical sites in Gangwon-do, and cultural assets in Chuncheon, Gangneung, Odaesan, and Wonju were investigated. Wonju deemed that valuable cultural assets such as an iron Buddha, stone objects, and stone pagodas in the late Silla period were concentrated and comparable to the Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. He especially considered large temples, stone pagodas, stupas, and inscriptions made in the late Goryeo Dynasty, such as the Heungbeopsaji, Geodonjashi, and Beopcheonsa Temple sites. However, the research records of cultural assets in Gangwon-do remain at the Tokyo University Museum in Japan as Sekino Tadashi's "field card.” Among them, 47 field cards for 36 relics of Wonju Cultural Heritage recorded the details of the discovery and the preservation status, rating, and value of the cultural heritage. The field card was a notebook that recorded the details of the photographs and investigations of relics as the preservation of the cultural properties was improperly performed at that time. The contents of these records were systematically organized into the Joseon Historical Survey Table, the Historical Survey Report, and the Joseon Historical Archives. Meanwhile, cultural properties in Wonju were transferred from the original location without permission, such as the discovery of a vacuum monument at Heungbeop Temple Site and the removal of the Stupa of State Preceptor Jigwang from Beopcheonsa Temple Site, and were used as an exhibition in 1915. Moreover, scholars such as An-hwak and Jeong In-bo, who value Joseon’s academic and cultural development, were critical of Sekino's investigation of Joseon’s historical sites, while those such as Choi Nam-sun also recognized their contributions. Therefore, Sekino Tadashi's survey on Joseon cultural properties in 1912 in Gangwon-do and Wonju can be evaluated as follows. First, through systematic survey activities, it was possible to reevaluate the preservation value of cultural properties in various parts of Joseon. Second, it can be said to represent the colonial nature of the Japanese Empire in that it led the Japanese to loot cultural properties and caused the historical justification of colonial rule.

1894년 농민군의 폐정개혁 추진과 갑오개혁의 관계

왕현종(Wang, Hyeon-Jong) 역사학연구소 2014 역사연구 Vol.- No.27

The Peasants’ War in 1894 is generally evaluated by anti-feudalism and anti-imperialist national movement. For the researchers, there are focused on the correlation of the Gabo Reform as well as reform of the peasants rebellion on the idea of Peasant War. The focus were to analyze the modifications described in jipgangso(執綱所) Code 12 in “donghaksa” of Oh Ji-young about the proposals of reform plan of peasants soldiers. Han Woo-geun has analyzed the different types of reform’s proposal on the overall tax system in the Joseon Dynasty. But he can’t recognize also that the Peseants have developed into a fundamental problem with the needs while their overcoming a reasonable tax administration reform and a privileged tax system. Let’s look for the relevance with the Gabo Reform. Deliberative Council in the Gabo Reform tried to implement the overall reform agenda from the end of June to early July. However peasant’s soldiers was trying to break the social order leveling villages society directly and was trying to achieve the status of a equalized society. On the other hand, Gabo regime was trying to redirect the gradual dismantling the slave system agent in uncompromising stance with Yanban system. And they did not yet to reform tax system, moreover, also were trying to keep intact while holding the tenant famer system in Gungbang lands and national land. Accordingly, conflicts of peasant’s soldiers and Gabo regime was deepened gradually. On september 1894 Gabo regime is scrambling to suppress joined the Japanese military to oppress peasants soldiers. They had forced suppression requirements, decisively after the hardline policies Subjugation of coercion by the Japanese army. Gabo Regime was punished also by the laws of the trial to peasant’s soldiers. but they did not impose Jeon Bong-jun(全琫準) as a crime for anti-imperialist movement against Japanese aggression. And Gabo Regime excluded them in the implementation of modern justice system. For the future, a study on the reality of peasants reform is expected to rediscover newly through farmers’ discourse understanding and development of research methodology on the trial-related materials of peasant war.

경남 창원 토지조사의 실시와 지역 주민의 대응

왕현종 ( Wang Hyeon-jong ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2011 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.24

이 글은 1910년부터 시작되어 진행된 일제의 조선 토지조사사업에 대해 한국의 창원 지역 주민들이 어떻게 이해하고 대응했는지를 다루었다. 먼저 일제는 토지조사사업에 앞서서 1908년 삼림법을 시행하여 산림 소유자에게 신고하도록 하였다. 시행초기에는 신고가 저조하였으나 1911년 1월 52만 건의 신고가 이루어졌다. 이는 산림에 대한 사적 소유권을 확인하고 보호 받으려는 한국인들의 의식이 높아졌기 때문이었다. 일제는 1910년 3월에 토지조사국을 발족하고 1910년 8월 토지조사를 시행하였다. 사업 초기에 한국인들 다수는 사업이 불필요하다거나 지세가 증대되고 사유지를 관유지로 하려는 것으로 이해하고 있었다. 토지조사당국은 적극 해명에 나서 특별히 「토지조사사업 설명서」를 9회에 걸쳐 신문에 연재하고 별도의 책자로 만들어서 배포하였다. 경상남도 창원지역의 토지신고는 1913년 6월 1일부터 시작되었으나 여러 차례 연기하여 1915년 1월 말까지 진행되었다. 창원 각면리의 토지신고 서철을 보면 대개 1913년 6월에서 10월까지 대부분 신고가 원활하게 이루어진 것처럼 보인다. 실제로 신고 마감 후 신고서철 정리과정에서 각종 증빙서류를 첨부해야 했다. 일본인의 경우에는 부재지주의 경우 위임장을 제대로 첨부하지 않았던 경우도 있었으며, 각종 수단으로 토지 매입을 확대하여 창원 주민과 소유권 분쟁을 일으키기도 하였다. 창원 주민들은 대부분 토지조사 당국의 방침에 따라 자신의 토지를 신고하였으나, 추후에 토지 매매나 상속에 관한 각종 서류를 첨부해야 했으며, 새로 토지신고서를 제출하는 경우, 웅동면 등 일부 지역에서는 소유권 이전일을 기준으로 하지 않고 행정적 편의 위주로 처리되기도 하였다. 조선인들은 일본인과의 소유권 분쟁에 대해서 분쟁지의 화해, 취소, 반론 제기 등으로 자신들의 소유권을 확보하려고 노력하였다. 당시 창원 주민들은 일제 당국에 의해 토지신고의 강요와 무신고시 국유지로의 편입 위협 등 강요된 상황에서 어쩔 수 없이 따르고 있었으나 자신의 권리 확보에 나서는 등 다양하게 적극적인 대응을 시도하고 있었다. This paper examined how Changwon residents in Korea understood and responded in terms of the Japanese Chosǒn land survey project that was carried out since 1910. To begin with, before the land survey project, Japanese colonialism made the owners of forests register their property through the law of forests in 1908. In the early period, the rate of report was low; however, 52,000 reports were made in 1911. This is because Korean people who wanted to confirm and protect their private ownership of forests, increased consciousness of land-owernship. Japanese colonialism established the register bureau of land in March 1910 and carried out the land survey in August 1910. In the beginning of the land survey project, most Koreans understood that this project was not necessary and able to increasing the land tax, more over that this was for making private ownership into state ownership. The authority of the land survey actively dealt with this problem not only by giving the ‘explanation of a modern land survey project’ to the press for nine times but also distributing it in the type of the special booklet. The land report in Changwon, Kyungsangnam-do province, began on June 1st, 1913 and was conducted by the end of January in 1915. With respect to the documents of the land reports in each township in Changwon, it seemed that most reports were smoothly done from June to October in 1913. As a matter of fact, in the process of arranging the report documents after the end of the reports, those who reported their land were required to submit various documentary evidences. In the case of Japanese, some absentee landlords did not attach the letter of attorney properly, and raised the ownership dispute with Changwon residents due to the excessive expansion of the land purchase. Changwon people mostly reported their lands according to the policy of the land survey authority afterward, they had to submit many documents regarding dealing in real estate and the inheritance of land. In some regions such as Woongdong township, etc., in the case of submitting the new registration of land, there were many instances where it was handled mainly by administrative convenience, not based on the date of the ownership transfer. In regard to the land ownership disputes with Japanese, Chosǒn land-oweners strived to secure their land ownership through the reconciliation of disputed land, cancellation, raising counterargument, and so forth. On this time, Changwon residents were enforced to follow the Japanese policy of the land Survey project of Land-ownership; however, they were trying to respond to it for conforming their land-ownership.

갑오개혁기 개혁관료의 상업육성론과 경제정책

왕현종 ( Hyeon Jong Wang ) 일지사 2001 韓國學報 Vol.27 No.4

N/A

‘수정판’ 고등학교 국사교과서의 개편내용과 근대사 서술 비판

王賢鐘(Wang Hyeon-Jong) 역사교육연구회 2006 역사교육 Vol.99 No.-

The reformed version of high school Korean History text books, which was published on March 2006, was expected to complement the contents of the history text books from the 7th Educational Process. We compared the reformed version Korean History text book with the text book that was used from 2002 till 2005. First, there is a confliction between periodization of history and the explanation of the contents that is related with the expansion of modern history. Second, the text book described history to strengthen territorial sovereignty and national consciousness to oppose the historical distortion by the countries around us. Third, we found several errors from the explanations of modern reformed movement, especially Gapsinjungbyun (甲申政變), the Tonghak peasants movement(東學農民運動), Kabo(甲午) reform. Forth, the explanation of immanent development theory, which was trying to systemize the development of history, was too vague that it made impossible to understand the latter period of Choseon. Fifth, the explanation of Korea’s modern history is focused on the Republic of Korea(大韓民國) and nationalism movements. In conclusion, the reformed high school Korean History text book is difficult to understand the structure of modern history because it reorganized the contents in the system of korean classifiers. We need to reform the 2006 ‘reformed’ Korean History text book with a clear concept of korean classifiers and also with a clear principle about description of history.

1907년 이후 원주 진위대의 의병 참여와 전술 변화

왕현종(Wang Hyeon-Jong) 역사교육연구회 2005 역사교육 Vol.96 No.-

In general. the peculiarities of the Righteous Army Movement after 1907 were the participation of the forcefully disbanded soldiers at the ?iby?ng movement and the emergence of its officers from the lower social status. The problem - why the soldiers of the provincal Jinwidae participated in the ?iby?ng movement - has been explained with the help of the compulsory disbandment of the army above all, but it was only an external moment. The historical reality was that the Wonyongpal army, which had risen up on the 8th month of the year 1905 in Wonju, was already cooperative with the provincial army. When Wonju Jinwidae began to come in with the ?iby?ng uprising, all of the participants were mostly the lower officers and the common soldiers except some high officers. At that times the dispersed soldiers, which were differently named as "Hanbyung", they had formed an unified army of some different parties at Gyonggi, Kwangwon and North Chungcheong, and its real number even reached at 7 or 8 thousands. Although the Korean government at that times had tactically promoted the dissolution of the military, Min G?ngho army created a command post Jin?iyoung in order to command the ?iby?ng movement on the 11th month of 1907. And rightly on the middle of the same month it already propelled to march for the Seoul. It is very important to remember that the Ming?ngho army"s anti-japanese resistance had strong influences on the changing development of the tactic and the strategy of the ?iby?ng movement.

19 세기말 개혁관료의 서구 정체인식과 입헌문제

왕현종 ( Hyeon Jong Wang ) 한국사상사학회 2001 韓國思想史學 Vol.17 No.-

N/A