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        최부의『표해록』에 나타난 필담

        오인택(Oh, In-Taek) 효원사학회 2013 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.44

        Pyohaerok(漂海錄), written in 1488 by Choi Boo(崔溥), a official who served the Joseon dynasty, gives a detailed expression of his five-year experience in China after the ship, on his way from Jejudo to the mainland, was cast away in the shore of China. With other forty-two entourages, his experience period is from January 1st to June 4th, 1488 in the reign of Seongjong. In fact, Choi Boo’s landing on China was a kind of unexpected situation, far from a formal visit. Understandably, his company, not ready for making any conversation in Chinese, should encounter many Chinese. They tried to communicate with the natives, using various methods, such as their gestures and conversation by writing in Chinese characters. His Pyohaerok, therefore, has been seen as a important text enabling one to explore the communication between the people of Joseon and Chinese when they needed to take proper measures except for speaking skill. This paper is an attempt to examine the conversation between both sides, and to extract the socio-cultural aspects of the mode of conversation by writing.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기의 고구마 전래와 정착 과정

        오인택(Oh, In-Taek) 부산경남사학회 2015 역사와 경계 Vol.97 No.-

        조선후기 고구마 전래에는 공식적인 과정과 비공식적인 과정이 있었다. 공식적인 전래 과정은 조엄과 강필리 등의 관료와 지식인이 도입하여 전파한 것이다. 비공식적인 전래 과정은 농민층이 동래부의 왜관에서 직접 도입하여 전파한 것이다. 공식적인 전래 과정에서 사용된 고구마 이름은 감져(甘藷)였다. 甘藷라고 기재하고 감져라고 발음하였다. 비공식적인 전래 과정에서 사용된 고구마 이름은 고금아였다. 고금아는 대마도의 고구마 이름인 고우꼬우이모(孝行芋)의 조선식 발음이었다. 조선후기 고구마 전래 과정에서 사용된 이름은 감져(甘藷)와 고금아 두 가지였지만 남겨진 기록에는 오직 감져(甘藷)만 사용되었다. 관료와 지식인이 공식적인 전래 과정을 주도하였기 때문에 나타난 결과였다. 비공식적인 전래 과정은 공식적으로 도입된 고구마 종자의 보관에 실패하는 일이 많았기 때문에 농민층이 고구마 종자를 왜관에서 직접 도입하여 전파한 경로였다. 이 과정에서 대마도의 고구마 이름인 고우꼬우이모(孝行芋)를 수용하여 고금아로 발음하였다. 두 개의 고구마 이름 가운데 고금아가 점차 확대되어 보편적인 이름이 되었다. 이러한 변화 과정은 조선후기 고구마의 전래 과정에서 비공식적인 전래 과정이 큰 역할을 하였음을 말해준다. A sweet potato was introduced through two channels in the latter period of the Joseon Dynasty. On the one hand, the officials and intellectuals such as Jo Eom and Gang Pilri brought in and spread sweet potatoes formally. On the other hand, informally, the peasantry firsthand introduced them from Waegwan in Dongnaebu. The name of a sweet potato used in the formal introduction process was spelt ‘甘藷’ and called ‘Gamjyeo’, but the name in the informal process was ‘Gogeuma’. The latter was the name that people enunciated the word of ‘Goukkouimo(孝行芋)’ used in Daemado in a Korean way. Both Gamjyeo and Gogeuma, the two names of sweet potato, were used in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, while on record only Gamjyeo was put. That’s why the officials and intellectuals formally carried out the introduction of sweet potatoes. In the process, however, there happened frequent failures in the storage of its seeds. Consequently, the peasantry obtained directly from Waegwan and spread them. In the very course the word of ‘Goukkouimo’ was accepted and pronounced as ‘Gogeuma’, and then the latter spread gradually and became the generally-used name. This change shows that the informal process played a larger role in the introduction of sweet potato in the latter period of the Joseon Dynasty.

      • KCI등재

        『농서집요(農書輯要)』를 통해서 본 조선 초기의 경종법(耕種法)

        오인택 ( Oh In Taek ) 부경역사연구소 1999 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.5

        Recently, the manuscript of Nongso-chipyo(農書輯要) was discovered and introduced to the academic world. The content of this agricultural manual was that which had abridged and translated in Uidu Chinese Nongsang-chipyo(農桑輯要). This manual must be noted as a worthy agricultural material, because it is older than the existing well-known oldest manual on framing, Nongsa-chiksol(農事直說). The purpose of this study is to investigate the character of Nongs-chipyo to explain patterns of farming-methods in the beginning of Choson dynasty. The result from this study shows the following facts. Nongso-chipyo was published to introduce the farming-methods to peasantry, in the social trends of wide waste-cultivation’s spreading. The content of Nongso—chipyo included the farming-methods in the early choson dynasty though it abridged and translated in Uydu Chinese Nongsang-chipyo. This manual, therefore, gives many important historical materials about the cultivation method of paddy-field and dry-field. The result from this study can be summanrized as follows: First, there was twice-plowing in the dry-field, and this plowing-method was principally based on ridges and furrows-making plowing system(畦立耕). This means that plowing and seeding were combined with each other and that they differed with China’s cultivation method in which they were differentiated. Secondly, paddy-field cultivating method was advanced from one plowing to two plowing in the plowing method system. In this respect, the method of irrigation-after-plowing(旱耕水種) was generally used. Then the method of plowing-after-irrigation(水精耕水種) was partially practised.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 김해부의 노전과 양안

        오인택(Oh, In-Taek) 효원사학회 2020 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.58

        조선후기 김해 노전은 4개 유형으로 분류되었다. 1유형은 전·후기 모두 대규모 노전이 존재하던 내륙 저습지형, 2유형은 전기부터 후기까지 점진적으로 개간된 명호도 유형(대저도 포함)으로서 노전 규모가 점차 축소되던 곳, 3유형은 덕도·전산도·죽도·대산리·수봉도 유형으로서 전기에는 전체가 노전이었다가 후기에는 대부분 전답으로 개간된 곳, 4유형은 생성 초기의 작은 섬(사주, 하중도)으로서 전체가 노전인 곳이다. 이들 유형은 3단계 노전 변천 과정을 보여준다. 지명을 갖지 못한 노전 생성 이전의 ‘저습지 단계’(1차 저습지), 지명이 붙여진 ‘노전 단계’(2차 저습지), ‘노전의 전답화 단계’가 그것이다. 4유형은 1차 저습지 단계와 2차 저습지 단계, 2유형과 3유형은 2차 저습지 단계와 노전의 전답화 단계를 보여주었다. 갑술양안(1634)를 등사한 1690년의 용동궁 노전양안과, 경자양안(1720)을 등사한 1721년의 용동궁 노전양안을 비교하였다. 서낙동강과 접한 대덕도면과 하동면은 낙동강 하류 델타지역이며, 3유형 노전이 존재하던 곳이었다. 3유형 노전 주변에 주인 없는 1차·2차 저습지가 많이 생성되었다. 이들 저습지가 용동궁에 주어진 것이다. 용동궁에 주어진 노전의 3/4은 1634년 이전에 생성된 것, 약 1/4은 1634년 이후 약 90년 동안 생성된 것이다. 3유형 노전 주변의 신생 노전들은 모두 퇴적이 손쉬운 강, 갯벌(浦), 제언(堰), 작은 갯벌(細浦), 강의 작은 지류(小江) 등을 접하였다. Reed Fields in Gimhae can be divided into four categories: the first type is that of the interior wetlands characterized by the extensive presence of reed fields in both the earlier and later Joseon Dynasty; the second one is that of Myungho Island(鳴湖島) including (大渚島), which had been under cultivation from the earlier Joseon Era to the later Joseon, thereby being reduced the area of reed fields gradually; the third one is that of Deokdo island(德島), Jeonsando island(前山島), Jukdo island(竹島), Daesan-ri(大山里), and Subongdo island(水鳳島), which had been entirely reed fields in the earlier Joseon and were largely made into farmland in the later Joseon; the fourth one indicates newly formed small islands (shoal and alluvial island) which were composed entirely of reed fields. These four types show the three processes of change in reed fields: the first one is ‘wetland stage’ (the first wetland) preceding the formation of reed fields, which could not have the name of the place; the second one is ‘reed fields stage’ (the second wetland) with name of the place; the third one is ‘the farmland-zation of reed fields stage.’ The fourth type demonstrates the first and second wetland stage, while the second and third type illustrate the second wetland stage and the farmland-zation of reed fields stage. This study compares the land books on Yongdong Palace-owned reed fields of 1690, copied from Gapsul Land Register of 1634 with that of 1721, copied from Gyungja Land Register of 1720. Youngdong Palace possessed newly formed reed fields of the first and the second phase wetland around the third type of reed fields in Daedeokdo-myeon and Hadong-myeon, the delta of the Nakdong River estuary. The three quarters of these reed fields had been formed before 1634, while the remain one quarter had been developed for about 90 years after 1634. All these newly formed reed fields around the third type of reed fields neighbored upon river, mudflat(浦), dam(堰), small mudflat(細浦), and branch of river(小江)

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