프랑스혁명과 물라토의 정치적 권리

양희영(Heeyoung YANG) 한국프랑스사학회 2011 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.25

그레구아르 신부와 프랑스혁명기 유대인 문제

양희영(Heeyoung YANG) 한국프랑스사학회 2014 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.30

이 논문은 프랑스혁명기 유대인 해방을 위한 그레구아르 신부의 담론과 활동을 검토한다. 이 검토에서 세 가지 결론을 끌어낼 수 있다. 첫째 그레구아르 신부는 유대인의 궁극적인 개종을 기대했지만, “유대인을 개종시키려 한 사람”이 아니었으며 어떤 경우에도 강제 개종을 옹호하지 않았다. 둘째, 그럼에도 그는 유대인과 유대교에 대한 당대의 편견과 무지를 공유했다. 셋째, 그가 제안한 유대인의 재생은 유대인의 정체성과 공동체의 자율성을 위협하는 것이었다고 할 수 있다. 유대인을 위한 그레구아르 신부의 담론과 활동 안에는 해방과 배제의 모순된 가능성이 공존하며 그 가능성은 구체적인 역사 발전 속에서 검토되어야 할 것이다. This article examines the nature of the discourse and activities of the Abbe Gregoire in favor of the Jews’ emancipation in the French Revolution. We can draw three conclusions from this examination. First, even if the Abbe Gregoire expected the final conversion of the Jews, he was not a “converter of the Jews” and advocated the resort to force under no circumstances. Secondly, he shared contemporary prejudices and ignorance about the Jews and the Judaism. Thirdly, we can say that the regeneration of the Jews proposed by the Abbe Gregoire would threaten the jewish identity and the autonomy of the jewish communities. In the discourse and activities of the Abbe Gregoire in favor of the Jews coexisted the contradictory possibilities of the emancipation and the exclusion which should be examined in the concrete historical development.

프랑스 혁명 초기의 툴루즈 : 삼부회의 소집과 구체제 시 정부에 대한 도전

양희영(Heeyoung Yang) 한국프랑스사학회 2004 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.11

프랑스혁명과 폭력

양희영(Heeyoung YANG) 한국프랑스사학회 2015 프랑스사연구 Vol.- No.32

공포정치는 조직화되고 제도화된 중앙집권적 국가폭력으로 간주되어 왔다. 반면 장클레망 마르탱은 공포정치가 의사일정에 오른 적이 없고 다양한 형태의 폭력이 국가권력의 과도함이 아니라 ‘국가의 결핍’에 기인한다고 주장했다. 물론 파견의원, 혁명군대, 감시위원회, 혁명재판소가 국가가 만들어낸 공포정치의 구조였음은 부인할 수 없다. 그러나 마르탱에 따르면 강력한 국가의 부재가 이 경쟁적 제도들을 허용했고, 다시 그 제도들이 폭력이 자발적으로 생성되어 폭발할 수 있는 공간을 창출했다. 방데의 탄압과 연방주의 반란지역의 사례는 혁명기 폭력에서 구조와 이데올로기가 인간의 주도적 행위 및 지방의 오랜 당파투쟁과 어떻게 결합했는지 보여준다. The Terror is considered centralized violence organized and codified by the state. However Jean-Clement Martin argued that the Terror was not on the agenda and that the ‘absence of the state’ rather than its excessive power opened the door to various forms of violence. Of course representatives on mission, revolutionary armies, committees of surveillance and revolutionary tribunals were the structures created by the state. According to Martin, however, the absence of the strong state favored competing institutional structures which in turn created space for autonomously generated explosion of violence. The repression in the Vendee and the case of the regions of the federalist revolts illustrate how the structure and the ideology were combined with the human initiative and old local factional struggles.

‘혁명공화파 여성시민협회’ - 프랑스혁명기 여성 정치클럽과 ‘불가능한’ 여성 시민권 -

양희영(Yang, Heeyoung) 호서사학회 2020 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.96

이 글은 프랑스혁명기 파리 유일의 여성 정치클럽 ‘혁명공화파 여성시민협회’의 역사를 살펴본다. 1793년 5월 10일 여성의 무장을 통한 조국 수호를 목적으로 창설된 ‘협회’의 역사는 세 시기로 나눠볼 수 있다. 첫째는 1793년 5월 31일·6월 2일 봉기로 정점에 달한 대(對)지롱드파 투쟁의 시기, 둘째는 1793년 6-8월, 산악파와의 짧은 밀월기를 거쳐 격앙파 르클레르와 함께 이후 공포정치에서 실현될 비상조치와 새 헌법의 시행을 요구한 시기, 셋째는 1793년 가을 자코뱅과 국민공회의 공격을 받고 해체되는 시기이다. 1848년 혁명기에 다시 등장한 파리의 여성 정치클럽 ‘여성의 목소리’ 협회는 대혁명기 ‘혁명공화파 여성시민협회’를 혁명기 정치활동의 롤 모델로 여기지 않았다. ‘1848년의 여성들’에게 있어 ‘혁명공화파 여성시민협회’는 난폭하고 무질서한 혁명기 여성 민중운동의 일부일 뿐이었다. 이 글은 혁명기 여성 민중운동에 대한 1848년 여성들의 기억에 기초한 다음과 같은 문제들에 답한다. ‘혁명공화파 여성시민협회’의 여성들은 무엇을 주장하고 어떻게 행동했는가? 그들은 제대로 교육받지도 조직되지도 않았는가? 그들은 난폭하고 폭력적이었는가? 그들의 행동은 무질서하고 비효율적이었는가? 그들은 특정 정파의 권력 장악을 위한 도구 혹은 정파 투쟁의 희생양이었는가? 그리고 ‘여성’의 조건과 지위를 개선하는 데 아무런 역할도 하지 못했는가? This article examines the history of the ‘Society of Revolutionary Republican Women’, the only women’s political club in Paris during the French Revolution. The history of the ‘Society’, which was founded on May 10, 1793 for the purpose of arming women to defend the country, is divided into three periods. The first is the period of the struggle against the Girondins, which culminated in the insurrection of 31 May to 2 June of that year. The second is the period from June to August 1793 in which, after the short honeymoon period with the Montagnards, the ‘Society’, together with Leclerc, an Enragé, demanded emergency measures, which would be realized in the ‘Terror’, and the enforcement of the new constitution. The third is the period in which the ‘Society’ was disbanded after being attacked by the Jacobins and by the National Convention in the fall of 1793. The ‘Society of the Women’s Voice’, a women’s political club which reappeared in Paris during the Revolution of 1848, did not regard the ‘Society of Revolutionary Republican Women’ as a role model for revolutionary political activities. For the ‘women of 1848’, the ‘Society of Revolutionary Republican Women’ was only part of the violent and disorderly revolutionary women’s popular movement. This article answers the following questions based on the memories of ‘women of 1848’ regarding the revolutionary women’s popular movement. What did the women of the ‘Society of Revolutionary Republican Women’ demand and how did they act? Were they not well educated and not well organized? Were they reckless and violent? Was their behavior disorderly and inefficient? Were they tools for the seizure of power by certain factions, or were they victims of the faction struggle? Moreover, did they play no part in improving the condition and status of ‘women’?

프랑스혁명기 형제애, 코스모폴리타니즘, 전쟁 - 애국파 성직자 클로드 포셰(Claude Fauchet)의 사상을 중심으로 -

梁希英(Yang, Heeyoung) 역사교육연구회 2021 역사교육 Vol.159 No.-

This article examines the nature and meaning of ‘fraternity,’ the third word of the French Republican slogan’ liberty, equality, fraternity,’ through the thought of Claude Fauchet, a patriotic priest, constitutional bishop, and deputy of the Legislative Assembly and the National Convention during the French Revolution. For Fauchet, one of the most popular and influential figures between 1789 and early 1792, ‘fraternity’ was a political slogan and goal and religious order. For Fauchet, the fraternity was most notably the comradeship of brothers symbolized by the victims of the fall of the Bastille, those who resisted to death tyranny and aristocracy. Thus, ‘fraternity’ was a slogan symbolizing the struggle for freedom and an appeal for ‘self-sacrifice’ among brothers. However, for the priest Fauchet, ‘fraternity’ was also a universal value that should be enjoyed by all human beings as creatures of God and by human beings on earth who by nature love each other. This universal fraternity was a way toward a consequence of realizing freedom and equality for all humankind across all borders. However, given that this freedom and equality was a product of militant fraternity, as exemplified by this French example, a universal fraternity was neither philanthropy nor an abstract love of humanity. Thus, universal fraternity as a gift from God and a principle that precedes freedom and equality and can give birth to them was closely linked with a militant fraternity. Moreover, this universal fraternity coexisted with the intense patriotism of the French people as the eldest brother and forerunner of the liberation of humankind. It cannot be argued that the declaration of war on the outside world defined as a counterrevolution was an inevitable result of revolutionary fraternity as a union between militant fraternity and universal fraternity. There were more complex and realistic external factors and individual subjects’ choices and wills between fraternity and war. In the end, however, Fauchet’s fraternity was too easily transformed into the ideology of offensive war in the face of the frenzy of pro-war arguments.

프랑스혁명기 지롱드파의 노예제 폐지론과 식민지 구상

양희영 ( Heeyoung Yang ) 이화사학연구소 2016 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.52

The Girondins demanded the abolition of slavery based on the unity and universal rights of men and the efficiency of free wage labor. However, their immediate aim was the suppression of the slave trade and the improvement of slavery, which would lead to the preservation of slave labor and the sustenance and prosperity of the colonial economy. Second, the Girondins changed the direction of colonial policy from a focus on anti-slavery to one on free-coloreds` political rights after the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue. This was because they did not believe that the black slaves could emancipate themselves and at the same time they feared losing the colonies. Third, the Girondins urged both the reorganization of old colonies based on the principles of capitalism and new colonial expansion in Africa. The Girondins planned colonial expansion and the association between the mother country and colonies in the name of the progress and civilization that would be led by the Europeans.

복벽 절개부 탈장에 대한 임상적 고찰

장동한(Donghan Chang),양희영(Heeyoung Yang),손신(Shin Son),박경환(Kyunghwan Park) 대한외과학회 1998 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research Vol.54 No.1

역사용어의 범주와 『역사용어사전』의 편찬방법

최갑수(Choi, Kabsoo),김지영(Kim, Jiyoung),양희영(Yang, Heeyoung),최진묵(Yang, Heeyoung) 한국사전학회 2015 한국사전학 Vol.- No.26

This article aims to report and explain the features of ‘Dictionary of Historical Terms’ and the process of its compilation. ‘Dictionary of Historical Terms’ was planned to gather up the results of historical researches since the establishment of modern historiography in Korea and to seek new directions and possibilities of historical research. All words used in historiography as well as proper nouns such as personal names and place names are included in historical terms, but the compilation team of the ‘Dictionary of Historical Terms’ limited the category of historical terms. In general, historical terms embrace four types of terms; ① old lexicons in historical sources ② words in historical researches ③ terms translated from foreign words ④ words in other studies related to history. The compilation team mostly chose concepts considered important or used frequently in historical narratives and excluded proper nouns such as names of persons, places and affaires. The compilation team categorized the chosen terms into three classes according to their degree of importance and determined the amount of description by classes. In this process formed the planning committee which would establish some principles of article description, the committee of entry selection and the editing committee which would review article manuscripts and advise revisions and supplements. In the same time organized ‘conferences of lexicography’ for helping the understanding of methodology of dictionary compilation and ‘conferences of comparative history’ for encouraging the communication and developing the prospect of comparative history between academic disciplines divided into Korean History, Asian History and Western History. ‘Dictionary of Historical Terms’ could be said to be an indicator which shows not only the capability of our historical studies and the current state of academic accumulation but also the limit of developing of our own historical terms.

소장폐쇄의 흔하지 않은 원인

최병석(Byungseok Choi),손신(Shin Son),변재철(Jaechul Byun),양희영(Heeyoung Yang),박경환(Kyunghwan Park) 대한외과학회 1999 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research Vol.56 No.5