비석에 새겨진 ‘善政’과 ‘不忘’ - 동래부사의 사례 -

양흥숙 부경역사연구소 2018 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.43

During the Joseon Dynasty, it was only natural for all provincial government officials to observe suryeongchilsa(i.e. the seven duties required of a governor) and practice seonjeong(i.e. benign governance). Yet, seonjeongbi(i.e. a memorial stone commemorating the benign governance of a governor) was surely erected in areas where a provincial official was assigned. In the late Joseon period, orders were continuously issued prohibiting the erection of seonjeongbi or demolishing existing ones, and the content and measures of these orders were even recorded in the code of Joseon. Nevertheless, more than 50 seonjeongbi of Dongnaebu magistrate remain to this day in the Busan area. Besides seonjeongbi, a variety of designations were used for these memorial stones commending the benign governance of a governor, including saengsadang(i.e. a shrine built by the people for a living magistrate or governor as a sign of praising his benign governance), heunghakbi(i.e. a memorial stone commemorating the deed of developing schools), chukjehyeminbi(i.e. a memorial stone commemorating the deed of building dykes to prevent floods and securing lands for farmers to support their livelihood), etc. The inscriptions on these seonjeongbi included the reason for erecting the memorial stone and a list of the people, with their names and titles, who erected it. Thus, these memorial stones are deemed valuable historical records that showcase an aspect of society at the time. In many cases, the reason for erecting a seonjeongbi was alleviation of forced labor and tax. In some cases, seonjoengbi was erected because of certain achievements such as school development, active prevention of flood and securing farmland. A variety of people were also involved in erecting a seonjeongbi. In addition to Hyangcheong, which is widely known as an agency in charge of erecting seonjeongbi, the inscriptions on seonjeongbi also notes Jakcheong(i.e. the office of hyangni, a government employee working for a titled government official) and Mucheong(i.e. the office of soldiers). This indicates the characteristic of Dongnaebu as a government office where a greater number of middle-class people were involved than aristocrats. Moreover, a lot of the seonjeongbi were rebuilt by the descendants of the recognized governor or magistrate. When previously erected seonjeongbi were buried underground or demolished in accordance to various orders and regulations enforced, the descendants of the recognized governor or magistrate rebuilt seonjeongbi for their ancestors when they were appointed as a Dongnaebu Magistrate or assigned to Dongnaebu after becoming a government official. Thus, instead of being a monument commending the benign governance of a provincial government official, seonjeongbi gradually became a family monument. 조선시대 지방관이라면 누구나 守令七事를 잘 준수하고, 善政을 해야 하는 것이 당연한 일이었다. 당연한 일이지만 해당 지역 민들은 지방관을 칭송하는 善政碑를 세웠다. 선정비를 세우는 과정에서 폐단도 생겨나서, 조선후기에는 선정비 금지령, 선정비 철거령이 지속적으로 내려졌고 이러한 내용과 조처는 법전에도 수록되었다. 현재 부산 지역에는 50기가 넘는 동래부사의 선정비가 남아있다. 선정비는 지방관을 칭송하기 위해 세운 비석을 통칭해서 부르는 것으로, 이 외에도 淸德碑, 萬古不忘碑 등으로도 많이 불린다. 그리고 生祠堂, 去思碑, 興學碑, 築堤惠民碑 등의 명칭으로 세워지는 것도 있다. 선정비에는 선정비를 세운 이유, 세운 사람들의 직위 및 명단이 비석에 새겨져 있어, 선정비는 지역사회의 단면을 볼 수 있는 좋은 사료이다. 선정비를 세운 이유에는 賦役과 租稅를 줄여주는 것에 대한 칭송이 많았다. 그리고 학교를 발전시키거나 홍수 피해를 적극적으로 막아주고 농지를 확보하는 등 특정한 업적을 높이기 위해 선정비를 세우는 경우도 있었다. 선정비를 세우는 사람 또한 다양하였다. 선정비를 세우는 기관으로 잘 알려져 있는 향청鄕廳 외에도 吏任들의 作廳과 武任들의 武廳도 비석에 새겨져 있다. 지위 높은 양반이 적고 중인이 많은 동래부의 특징을 보여주는 것이다. 무엇보다 후손들에 의해 다시 세워지는 선정비가 다수 있다. 이전에 세워진 선정비가 각종 명령과 법규에 따라 땅에 묻히고 철거되었지만 후손이 동래부사가 되거나 관리가 되어 동래부에 올 때 그들 선조의 선정비를 새로 세우는 경우였다. 선정비가 더 이상 지방관의 선정에 대한 기념물이 아니라 가문의 기념물이 되어가는 사례를 볼 수 있다.

1763년 계미통신사가 경험한 시공간의 변화와 생활상

양흥숙 한국한문학회 2020 韓國漢文學硏究 Vol.0 No.78

The conflict between Joseon and Japan that had reached a boiling point due to the Japanese invasion of Joseon in Imjin Year(1592) was steered back to ‘peace’ relations through three times of Hoidapgyeomswaehwansa dispatch and nine times of Tongsinsa dispatch in the late Joseon Dynasty. Thus, Tongsinsa is well known as a diplomatic delegation that contributed to peace and exchanges between the two countries. Nonetheless, diverse experiences and life conditions were involved behind serving this role. In this paper, the actual life conditions of Tongsinsa that had been veiled by the national role are investigated. As the King’s special envoy, Tongsinsa had to endure months of travel period, unfamiliar food and lodging, group life, life attitude that challenged one’s pride, intense fatigue, dangerous sailing, separation from the motherland and family, etc. Such life conditions may be viewed as small and insignificant matters compared to the role of Tongsinsa as the King’s envoy. The major change in life after being appointed as Tongsinsa was leading a group life. Conflicts, large and small, emerged as people of different statuses, positions, and duties had to lead a collective life for months and sometimes nearly a year. Tongsinsa also had to adapt to seasonal changes since the seasons changed during the long travel. Tongsinsa also had to live away from their family and in a strange foreign land. Failure to adapt to extensive life in a foreign country led to illness and even death. Sahaengnok left by Tongsinsa are mostly composed as diaries or journals, and thus offer detailed descriptions of their daily life. The historical significance Sahaengnok lies in the fact that the life of Tongsinsa may be studied with the record. 조선후기 회답겸쇄환사 3회, 통신사 9회 파견은 임진왜란으로 최고조에 다른 조-일 양국의 갈등을 다시 ‘평화’라는 관계로 돌려놓았다. 통신사는 두 나라의 평화와 교류를 연결하는 상징으로 잘 알려져 있다. 이러한 역할의 이면에는 통신사의 다양한 경험과 생활이 있었다. 이 글은 1763년 癸未通信使를 중심으로 통신사의 국가적인 역할에 가려져 있던 그들의 생활에 대해 조망해 보았다. 수개월의 여행 기간, 낯선 음식과 숙소, 집단생활, 자존심을 건 태도, 높은 피로도와 위험한 뱃길 일정, 모국과 가족으로부터의 분리 등은 조선 국왕의 특사인 통신사가 감내해야 하는 생활이었다. 통신사로 임명된 후 큰 변화는 집단생활을 한다는 점이다. 신분, 지위, 직무가 상이한 수많은 사람들이 수개월에서 1년 가까이 동안 생활을 같이 하게 됨으로써 크고 작은 갈등이 발생하였다. 그리고 조선과 일본을 오가는 기간 동안 계절이 바뀌므로, 시간의 변화에 적응도 해야 했다. 통신사는 또한 가족과 떨어진 공간에서 생활해야 하고, 낯선 외국 공간에서 생활해야 했다. 긴 외국 생활에 적응하지 못하면 병이 들기도 하고 사망에 이르기도 하였다. 통신사가 남긴 사행록은 대부분 일기 또는 일지로 구성되어 있으므로, 통신사의 일상과 생활이 잘 그려져 있다. 이글은 통신사행의 생활과 그 발견을 통해 통신사가 남긴 사행록의 역사적 의미를 찾고자 하였다.

조선시대 수도 서울의 로컬리티(locality) 연구를 기대하며 : 요시다 미츠오(김동철 역),『근세 서울 도시사회 연구 -한성의 거리와 주민』 (심산, 2019)

양흥숙 효원사학회 2020 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.57

조선시대 수도 서울의 로컬리티(locality) 연구를 기대하며 : 요시다 미츠오(김동철 역),『근세 서울 도시사회 연구 -한성의 거리와 주민』 (심산, 2019)

양흥숙 효원사학회 2020 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.57

조선후기 영도의 공간적 특성과 경관의 조성

양흥숙 釜山大學校 韓國民族文化硏究所 2015 한국민족문화 Vol.56 No.-

Yeongdo is an inhabited island in the Busan Metropolitan City. Located 200m off the shore, it is made up of a borough. Since the modern times, it became a densely populated area with the progress of industrialization. However, little has been studied about the island before the modern era, and especially during the Joseon Dynasty. This is because the island had been used as a state-operated farm and a prohibited forest, and thereby was regarded unrelated to the general public. This study investigates how Yeongdo, which appeared to have existed unrelated to Busan people, actually existed building its significance in relation to the lives of people. Located at the farthest boundary of Busan port, Yeongdo has been a strategic point of Busan, an important space that protected the Busan port from the field of ocean. This recognition is indicated in old maps and many other ancient documents, suggesting that, rather being unrelated to the people, the island came to hold a place in their memory. Yeongdo, which had existed as a state-operated farm and a prohibited forest, was actually neither a blocked nor prohibited place, but was a place that required people to operate and manage the farm and forest. With the habitation of people, shrines for ancestrial rites appeared in Yeongdo. Thus, the island became a symbolic space. In addition, since Yeongdo was close to the land, it was the closest place to Waegwan, the Japanese residence located on the shore facing the island. Most of the Japanese people who came to Joseon were from Tsushima, and thus felt familiar with the Yeongdo, which had topographical features of an island like Tsushima. In their drawings of Waegwan, the included Yeongdo, as a space with their shrine. Yeongdo, despite its topographic features as an island, was not disconnected from the land but rather existed in constant relationship with the people. Furthermore, it had been building its significance as a place, where people had experiences, a space to remember. 영도는 부산광역시 내에서 육지와 200여 미터 떨어진 가까운 유인도이고 하나의 자치구를 이루고 있다. 근대 이후 공업화가 진행되면서 인구 밀집지역이 되었고 관련 연구성과도 나왔지만, 근대 이전 특히 조선시대의 영도에 대해서는 별로 연구가 이루어지지 못하였다. 국영 목장, 봉산으로 사용되는 곳이었기 때문에 사람들과의 관계가 없는 곳으로 여겨졌기 때문이다. 그러나 사람들과는 무관하게 존재한 것처럼 보였던 ‘섬’ 영도는 실제로는 (육지) 사람의 생활 공간으로 존재하였다. 부산항의 가장 바깥 경계에 위치하면서 부산의 길목이 되기도 하고, 부산항을 해양으로부터 지켜주는 공간이 되기도 하였다. 이런 인식은 古地圖에 나타나기도 하고 여러 고문헌 속에 기록되면서, 사람들과 무관한 것이 아니라 사람들의 기억에 자리할 수 있었다. 국영 목장, 봉산으로 존재한 영도는 차단된, 금지된 공간이 아니라, 이를 운영하기 위한 사람들이 있어야 하는 공간이었고, 사람들이 있으면서 사당(제사 공간)이 생기는 등 상징적인 공간이 될 수 있었다. 또한 육지와 가까웠기 때문에 영도와 마주보는 육지 공간, 즉 일본인 마을인 왜관과 가장 가까웠다. 특히 조선에 온 일본인들은 모두 대마도인들로 대마도와 섬이라는 같은 지형을 가진 영도에 대해 친숙하게 여기고 있었다. 왜관을 그리는 그림에도 영도가 등장하고 그들의 사당도 있는 공간이었다. 영도는 섬이라고 하여 육지와 동떨어진 곳이 아니라, 끊임없이 사람들과의 관계 속에서 존재하였다. 나아가 사람들에게는 경험이 이루어지고 기억이 되는 공간으로 의미를 쌓아가고 있었다.

조선후기 對日 接慰官의 파견과 역할

양흥숙 부산대사학회 2000 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.24

진주의 중심성과 문화예술도시로의 재구성

양흥숙 부경역사연구소 2013 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.32

This study examines how tradition is expressed in Jinju, where the so-called ‘tradition’ operates strongly, how that tradition unite the citizens of Jinju, and how the Jinju citizens are trying to restructure the city based on their experiences and historical transmission. A notable aspect among Jinju’s historical experiences is that it was an administrative center. The fact that Jinju has been referred to as the center of Gyeongsangnam-do and the center of West Gyeongnam region originates from the historical experience of the city as an administrative center. The reason Jinju seriously lost its municipal standing was because of the relocation of Gyeongsangnam-do provincial government building in 1925. Jinju, which was located outside the zone of modern railway and open ports since the modern open port era, was already being excluded as a place lagging behind in transportation. With the relocation of Gyeongsangnam-do provincial government building, the people of Jinju suffered a great loss. Several measures were taken as recover from the loss Jinju experienced. First, the people of Jinju had to claw back ‘the provincial government building that was lost’ in order to retain its status as a city. Whenever Jinju had to confront other areas with current issues, the people of Jinju called attention to the Gyeongsangnam-do provincial government building as a way to regain the past status of Jinju and stop its further decline. The problem of the provincial government building remained as a memory and experience among Jinju people and their efforts for reclaiming the provincial government building and envy for being a center of Gyeongsangnam-do became the source of competition and jealousy with other areas within Gyeongsangnam-do. Jinju, after its loss of provincial government building, went on to restructure itself as a culture and arts city based on the city’s inherent history and cultural resources as well as on the cultural capacity of its people in order to build its new centrality. It relied on the history of Jinju that no other new modern industrialized cities could compete with and mobilized historical events that demonstrate the symbolic historicity of Jinju in the general history of Korea. In addition, as the origin of culture that is symbolized in the Gaecheon Art Festival, Jinju became a leader of culture that received recognition on a national level. Besides, the city united the people of Jinju and the internal energy of the city noting the ‘Jinju Spirit’ which is based on historical consciousness. Also, it is establishing the city image as a city of culture and arts while embracing cultural resources that were acquired unexpectedly from outside. In particular, one thing that have been frequently mentioned in the course of restructuring of Jinju as a city of culture and arts was the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. The Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 operated as an important mechanism for restructuring Jinju as a city of culture and arts rooted in tradition and building Jinju’s unique identity.

부산의 임진왜란 기념물 조성과 도시경관화

양흥숙 부경역사연구소 2017 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.40

Imjin War(1592-1598), which broke out from the Japanese invasion of Joseon (Korea) in 1592, turned almost every area of Joseon into a battlefield. The War has been emphasized particularly in Dongnae (Busan) due to Dongnae’s historical relationship with Japan even after the war area and in order to remember the devastating experience of war. Since the end of the Imjin War, the War has been represented in Busan in various forms including shrine, bronze statue, memorial tablet, monument, etc. These various monuments have become a part of Busan’s urban landscape. Particularly noteworthy is that the statues(a total of three statues-two bronze statues and one stone statue) of three figures (Song Sang Hyun, Yun Heung Sin, Jeong Bal) from Imjin War have been maintained on the main streets which pass through the city. In addition, the bronze statue of Yi Sun Sin, who has become a symbol of Korean as one of the most important national figure of Korea, has been erected in Yongdusan Park, a space for Busan citizens. Thus, Imjin War is routinely experienced and remembered by the citizens. All these monuments were developed by the past administration with the political purpose to expand nationalism anti-communist ideology to the people. The intent was to have the citizens collectively remember the Imjin War and recognize it as an identical experience. In effect, however, the memory of Imjin War was reconstructed according to the person recalling the memory, the local network passing down the memory, and the time and space in which the memory is represented. In addition, memories other than the familiar national ones were highlighted. In summary, the memory of Imjin War were represented in Busan by way of summoning history from the present point of view, which is also influencing the formation of Busan identity. 임진왜란으로 조선의 거의 모든 지역은 전쟁터가 되고 폐허가 되었다. 동래(부산) 지역은 전쟁의 참혹한 경험, 전쟁 이후의 일본과의 역사적 관계 속에서 임진왜란이 강조되어 왔다. 임진왜란은 전쟁이 끝난 이후부터 동래(부산)에서 사당, 제단, 동상, 비, 탑 등 다양한 방식으로 재현되었고, 현재까지 도시경관으로 자리하고 있다. 임진왜란을 재현한 기념물 가운데 특징적인 것은 시내를 관통하는 중앙대로변에 세워진 송상현, 정발, 윤흥신의 像이다. 그리고 가장 민족적인 인물로 표상되는 이순신 또한 공공장소인 용두산공원에 동상으로 세워져 있다. 대로변, 공원에 임진왜란 인물들의 상이 세워져 시민들은 일상적으로 임진왜란을 경험하고 있다. 모두 지난 정부의 애국국민 만들기, 반공이데올로기 확대 등의 정치적 목적에 의한 것이 많았다. 임진왜란이란 동일한 경험을 집단적으로 기억화하여 시민들에게 인식하도록 하는 것이다. 그러나 기억을 하는 사람에 따라, 기억을 전승하는 지역사회에 따라, 재현하는 시간과 공간에 따라 기억은 재구성될 수 있었다. 또한 익숙하게 반복되는 국가 기억과는 다른 기억들이 부각되기도 한다. 이것이 현재적 관점에서 역사를 소환하는 방식이며, 또한 지역의 정체성을 구성하는 데에도 영향을 미치고 있다.

朝鮮後期 倭館 운영을 위한 東萊府民의 ‘役’ 부담과 왜관 접촉

양흥숙 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2010 민족문화논총 Vol.45 No.-

In the Late Chosun Dynasty, there was Waegwan, a Japan-town, in Dongnae-bu, as an exchange window between Chosun and Japan. Waegwan had existed for approximately 270 years from the first establishment of Waegwan in 1607, following Injinwaeran(Japanese Invasion of Chosun), to the point when Waegwan completely closed due to the modern opening of the port in 1876. For this reason, almost all aspects of Dongnae-bu in the Late Chosun Dynasty, including administrative, financial, social and cultural, were involved with Waegwan. Because Dongnae-bu was where Waegwan was located, the local residents were burdened with all sorts of services, as a form of tax, regarding the Chosun-Japan diplomacy, trade, and the operation of Waegwan. In this paper, the services burdened by the local residents with respect to the operation of Waegwan were investigated. The human services by the local residents could be divided into the military service and the miscellaneous service. There were military soldiers stationed near the Waegwan, who controlled the exit from and entry to the Waegwan. The military service covered the role of these military soldiers and the people involving the operation of Waegwan, such as a banquet. In addition, there were both regular and irregular maintenances of Waegwan, and transportation of the trading products, and routine jobs for Waegwan on a continual basis. The provision of the services allowed the local residents to have opportunities to go into Waegwan, and thus brought about more contacts and exchanges with the Japanese. 조선후기 동래부에는 朝日교류의 창구인 왜관이 있었다. 임진왜란 후 1607년 왜관이 설치된 이래, 1876년 근대 개항으로 왜관이 완전히 폐쇄될 때까지 동래부에 왜관이 존속한 것은 약 270년 정도였다. 이러한 까닭으로 조선후기 동래부의 행정・재정・사회・문화 등 여러 업무가 왜관과 관련되지 않는 것이 거의 없을 정도였다. 동래부는 왜관이 있는 곳이었기 때문에 조일외교와 무역, 왜관운영과 관련된 각종 役이 지역민에게 부과되고 있었다. 이글에서는 특히 왜관 운영과 관련한 지역민의 役에 대해 살펴보았다. 東萊府民에게 내려진 役은 軍役과 雜役으로 나눌 수 있었다. 왜관 주변에는 왜관 출입을 통제하는 군인이 상주하였는데 여기에 충원되는 인력과 연회 등 왜관 운영에 필요한 인력을 군역으로 대부분 충당하였다. 또한 왜관 修理가 정기적, 부정기적으로 있어 노동력이 요구되었고, 무역품의 운송이나 왜관 雜役도 잇달았다. 한편 役의 부담은 동래부민이 왜관에 들어갈 수 있는 기회를 부여하였고, 이에 따라 일본인과의 접촉, 교류도 일어났다.

지역사(地域史)의 관점에서 보는 왜관(倭館)

양흥숙 부경역사연구소 2016 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.39