중앙-지방 관점에서 바라본 스탈린 시기 전쟁의 기억

송준서(Joonseo Song) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2013 슬라브학보 Vol.28 No.1

This paper focuses two main points. Firstly, the way that Soviet local officials and elites of the front region, especially Leningrad and Sevastopol, commemorated World War II during the postwar Stalin years. Secondly, the way that Stalin regime responded to the practice of commemorating the war. Both Leningrad and Sevastopol located in the wartime front region, experienced a siege by the Nazi German army from the beginning of World War II. While Leningrad was liberated by the Soviet army in 1944, after the 900-day-siege, Sevastopol, a home port of the Soviet Black Sea Fleet located in the Crimean Peninsula, was occupied by the German army after the 250-day-siege for two years. By the end of the war Leningrad party and governmental officials had a strong sense of local patriotism, because of their own sacrifices and ability to survive without military or material support from Moscow during the siege. Based on the local patriotism, the local elites frequently eulogized the effectiveness of their wartime leadership, however remained silent on the role of Stalin and the central government during the siege of Leningrad. The Stalinist leadership, which could not allow such “anti-party” behavior from the local elites, persecuted them by using coercion, such as imprisonment. In contrast, the Stalinist leadership agreed to Sevastopol officials’ reconstruction plan, which was heavily drawn from history and culture, while it criticized a Moscow officials" reconstruction plan that emphasized socialist ideology and the victory of war. Therefore, it has been shown that the Stalinist leadership controlled war memories of local elites not only by using coercion, but also through accommodation, only when the local memories of the war would not undermine the authority of the Stalinist government.

셰르바토프의 『러시아의 도덕적 타락에 대하여』에 나타난 18세기 상류층 생활양식 변화에 대한 인식

송준서 ( Joon Seo Song ) 서울대학교 러시아연구소 2011 러시아연구 Vol.21 No.1

This paper examines the ways that Mikhail M. Shcherbatov(1733-1790), historian, man of letter and public servant, criticized daily life of the 18th century Russian nobility by analyzing his monograph, On the Corruption of Morals in Russia. The main goal of this study is to explore the social, cultural, and economic implications imbedded in Shcherbatov`s criticisms of Russian nobles` daily life, which had been heavily influenced by the importation of western culture and customs during the reign of Peter the Great in the early eighteenth century. Shcherbatov showed that daily life of the Russian nobility radically transformed due to Peter I`s policy of westernization. Many Russian nobles came to blindly imitate western culture, such as following French fashions, manners, and language, while some nobles pursued extravagant life by consuming luxurious foreign goods and exotic food. Shcherbatov also strongly criticized the decline of religiosity and the pursuit of a decadent private life by the noble class. He argued that adulterous and unlawful marriages as well as divorces increased among members of high society during the eighteenth century. Although Shcherbatov categorized these post-Petrine reform phenomena as the examples of "corruption of morals," it should be noted that his categorization was based heavily on personal views of ethic and moral. Despite Shcherbatov`s subjective and personal approach to Russian society, his descriptions of the corruption of morals still give us very useful insight into the social, cultural, and economic life of the period. Shcherbatov`s strong criticism of Russian nobles` thoughtless imitation of western culture indicates that Russian national consciousness began to emerge as a result of westernization during the eighteenth century. Luxurious and extravagant life of the nobility indicates that material life became much prosperous during the period while the decline of religiosity and increase in decadent private life implies the emancipation of the individuals from the domination of trladition and religious rituals. In this sense, therefore, Shcherbatov`s On the Corruption of Morals is a valuable historical source which helps us understand the social and cultural characteristics of the post-Petrine reform era of the eighteenth century.

러시아 국경 도시의 실크로드 기억과 부활: 트로이츠크의 경험

송준서 ( Joon Seo Song ) 서울대학교 러시아연구소 2015 러시아연구 Vol.25 No.2

본 연구는 카자흐스탄과 국경을 마주하고 있는 러시아 우랄 남부 지역첼랴빈스크 주의 국경 도시 트로이츠크와 첼랴빈스크 주의 지방 관리, 엘리트, 언론이 실크로드의 수사와 담론을 이용해 오늘날 어떻게 탈소비에트 도시 정체성을 재정립하고 있는지에 대해 고찰하였다. 본 연구를 위해 트로이츠크 지역 사회에서 ‘실크로드’가 갖는 역사적, 경제적, 문화적 함의는 무엇인가를 제정 러시아, 소비에트 시기 트로이츠크의 역사를 추적하여 살펴보았다. 제정 러시아 시기 트로이츠크는 고대 실크로드의 지선이 통과하는 지역에 위치하여 교역 도시, 다문화 도시로 성장하였으나 소비에트 시기 중앙정부의 산업화 정책 하에서 폐쇄된 산업 기지로 변모하였다. 소련 해체 이후 다시 국경 도시로 지정학적 위상이 바뀌게 되면서 오늘날 지방 정부 지도자와 엘리트들은 실크로드와 관련된 역사적 기억을 때로는 선별적으로 그리고 과장되게 사용하면서 트로이츠크가 21세기 유라시아 대륙을 연결하는 교역의 도시, 다문화 국제도시라는 집단기억을 새롭게 창출하려고 노력하고 있다. 하지만 지방 관리들과 엘리트들의 이러한 노력이 성공하기 위해서는 새로운 집단기억과 현실 간의 간극을 좁혀야 하는 과제를 안고 있다. This study examines the ways in which the local officials and elite of Troitsk, a town of Cheliabinsk oblast’ that borders the northern part of Kazakhstan, rebuild local identities by using the historical memories of the Silk Road, a branch road of which passed through the region. Since the founding of Troitsk in the early 18th century, the town developed as a destination for traders from Central Asian regions, Arabian Peninsula, and China. Not only was it a trade destination, but it was also the Mecca in the Urals, where a large Muslim community formed with educational institutes and dozens of mosques. During the early Soviet period, Troitsk lost its reputation as a trade city as the Bolshevik government took control and suppressed private trading and the market while transforming into an industrial town after World War II. Troitsk again became a borderland town as it came to neighbor Kazakhstan after the Soviet Union collapsed. The sudden conversion of the town’s geopolitical status to a borderland town led local officials and mass-media to redefine local identities through rhetoric and discourses of the memory of the Silk Road portraying Troitsk as a trade center and a multicultural, global town. While utilizing the historical memory of the Silk Road in a selective and exaggerated way, local officials and elites utilize Silk Road memory as a crucial tool for branding their town, which has been rapidly integrated into the process of globalization.

포스트소비에트 시기 러시아 지역 정체성 변화

송준서(Song Joon-Seo) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2010 슬라브학보 Vol.25 No.4

This paper seeks to explore the local identities of the industrial towns dominated by a single industry or factory (monogorods) in the Ural region by examining the social, economic, and historical experiences of the towns during the Soviet and Post-Soviet years. Although many Russian scholars believe that regional identity did not develop in Russia due to its strong tradition of centralism, this study shows that “imagined communities” developed among the urban residents of the monogorods in the Ural region. Analysis of rhetoric during the postwar Stalin years demonstrates that the locals developed a strong sense of pride in their hometowns by internalizing official propaganda portraying those towns as hero cities contributing to the victory of World War II. Some of the most noticeable changes occurring in those towns during the post-Soviet era include local residents' increasing sense of integration into a globalized world and growing efforts of both regional governments and elites to create “new” regional symbols. Many local residents whose hometowns remained closed to the outside world until the end of the Soviet era now realize that their towns inevitably became a part of the globalized world as their towns came under the direct impact of global finance, economics, and culture. In addition, local governments began to change cities’ coats-of-arms in order to redefine the identities of their cities after the fall of the Soviet Union. They invented new symbols by adopting historical and traditional elements of the local towns, both in those cities’ coats-of-arms and in the public spaces.

The Impact of World War 2 on the Formation of the Home-Front Identities

송준서 ( Joon Seo Song ) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 러시아연구소 2008 슬라브연구 Vol.24 No.2

기억과 망각 사이에서 -현대 러시아의 1917년 10월 혁명 기억 -

송준서 ( Song Joon-seo ) 한국서양사학회 2018 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.137

2017년 러시아혁명 100주년을 맞이한 푸틴 정부는 공식 기념행사를 일절 치르지 않았다. 사실 푸틴 정부는 최근 10월 혁명에 대해 일관되게 부정적 평가를 내려왔다. 즉, 10월 혁명은 국론을 분열시키고 곧 이어진 내전으로 수많은 러시아 국민의 희생을 가져온 불미스러운 사건으로 묘사했고 혁명 직후 볼셰비키 지도부의 무자비한 살상을 비난함과 동시에 초기 실책이 훗날 러시아 영토의 분열을 초래했다고 비난했다. 이러한 소위 혁명에 대한 ‘망각 정치’는 1990년대 공산주의 세력을 억누르기 위해 노력했던 옐친 정부시기부터 체계적으로 시작된 것이었다. 하지만 일반 시민들의 혁명에 대한 기억과 평가는 정치 지도부의 견해와는 달랐다. 정권 유지와 안정을 추구하는 정치 지도자에게 혁명은 망각되어야할 사건이었지만 민중들에게 10월 혁명은 현재적 의미를 지닌 사건으로 국가 발전에 긍정적 영향과 부정적 영향 모두를 끼쳤던 아직은 기억되어야할 역사적 사건으로 남아있다. The contemporary Russian government led by President Putin did not officially celebrate the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution by claiming that the revolution mostly produced negative impact on the country and its people, including collapse of the old regime, division of the nation, and enormous human losses from civil war. Indeed, this practice of “forgetting” memories of the October Revolution is a continuing one. It started from the previous government under Yeltsin leadership (1992-1999), which tried to remove ideological symbols of socialist past that could be used by supporters of the Communist party, the Yeltsin government’s key political rival. Thus, the Yeltsin government shortened the holiday of the October Revolution and changed the name of the holiday from ‘Day of Great October Socialist Revolution’ to ‘Day of Accord and Reconciliation’ to redefine the meaning of the anniversary. The Putin government, pursuing social and political stability and unity of the nation, has continued to follow the so-called forgetting-policy of the previous government while criticizing the Bolshevik leadership, especially Lenin, as the force that conducted meaningless slaughter and laid a seed of future disunion of Russia. In contrast, citizens of contemporary Russia do not fully agree with the historical perspective ‘from above.’ Rather, ordinary Russian citizens still remember the October Revolution as a historical event that has contributed to socio-economic development of Russia while recognizing its negative impact on culture and religion. Unlike the political leadership, the ordinary people in Russia not only recognize damages, but also benefits brought by the revolution because they believe in the usefulness of historic lesson of the revolution in contemporary Russia.

탈소비에트 러시아 국경지방의 상징 만들기 -프스코프의 상징, 알렉산드르 네프스키-

송준서 ( Joon Seo Song ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.112

This paper examines the ways in which the local authorities and elite invented a new symbol of Pskov, a Russian borderland located in the northwest region, by redefining Alexander Nevsky, 1220-1263,, the Prince of Novgorod. Prince Nevsky rose to legendary status after his military victories against foreign invaders, such as Germans, Swedes, and Poles, who tried to occupy the Pskov region. The Russian Orthodox Church also canonized Nevsky as a saint in the mid sixteenth century. During the Soviet period, Prince Nevsky was a national hero rather than a local hero of Pskov. While the Stalin regime used Nevsky as a tool for Soviet propaganda mainly for a military purpose during the Great Patriotic War, the local authorities of Pskov did not have the right to utilize him for local interests and the formation of local identity because the center often controlled and intervened the process of forging local identities. This situation changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union. For the local authorities and elite of the borderland called a fortress of Russia, Prince Nevsky, who defeated foreign invaders and saved Russian territories and the Orthodox faith, is indeed a right figure to propagate as a symbol of Pskov. The local government began to localize Nevsky as a townsman by emphasizing the relations between the Pskov region and Nevsky. Unlike the Soviet period, the Pskov media and religious leaders also began to portray him in a religious manner as they presented him as a saint in response to the increasing influences of the Orthodox Church in local society and politics. This indicates that the local authorities and elite redefined a national hero for local interests.

Taxonomy of Actiniidae (Anthozoa, Actiniaria, Thenaria, Endomyaria) from Korea

송준임(Jun-Im Song),차하림(Ha Rim Cha) 한국동물분류학회 2002 Animal Systematics, Evolution and Diversity Vol.18 No.2

자기점성유체 댐퍼 코어의 최적화 설계를 위한 전자기장 해석

송준한(Song, June-Han),손성완(Son, Sung-Wan),전종균(Chun, C.K.),권영철(Kwon, Young-Chul),마양수(Ma, Y.S.) 한국산학기술학회 2008 한국산학기술학회논문지 Vol.9 No.6

외부에서 인가되는 전류의 세기에 따라 결합력의 세기가 달라지는 자기점성유체의 특성을 이용한 자기점성 유체 댐퍼는 유체의 결합력을 통해 전단력을 발생시켜 진통의 제어가 가능하다. 자기점성유체 댐퍼의 성능을 좌우 하는 코일 작동부의 최적화를 위해 유한요소해석을 이용해 코일 형상에 따른 전자기력의 성능비교를 실시하였다. 또한 고효율 댐퍼를 제작하기 위한 방법으로 다단의 코일 작동부를 가지는 댐퍼를 제안하였으며, 기존의 댐퍼와의 전자기적 성능 비교들 통해 댐퍼의 성능 비교를 수행하고 제한된 조건에서 최대의 효과를 가질 수 있는 방안을 제시하고 그에 따른 전자기장 해석을 수행하였다. The magneto-rheological fluid expresses different cohesiveness according to the strength of the external electric current. The magneto-rheological fluid damper, which uses such characteristics of the fluid, generates shear force due to the fluid’s cohesiveness. The core can be said to determine the magneto-rheological fluid damper’s performance. This study uses the finite element analysis to compare the performance of different electromagnetic forces, which are affected by the shapes of the coil, and thus to find the optimum design for the core. In addition, as a step to construct a high-efficient damper, we suggest a type of damper that can control multiple coils and compares the performance of this damper and that of the standard damper by comparing the performance of their electro-magnetic fields.

First Report of Pseudocladochonus hicksoni Versluys from Korea

Song, Jun-Im(宋俊任) 한국동물분류학회 1992 Animal Systematics, Evolution and Diversity Vol.8 No.1