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        1965년 중화민국 주한대사관의 ‘관지매각’과 화교사회 — ‘7.19사건’의 발생 배경을 중심으로 —

        김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.92 No.-

        The purpose of this study is to analyze the occurrence of the 7/19 incident in 1965 in a historical context. This study first, looked at the process from the ‘embassy construction plan’ to ‘land sale’, which is the background of the case, and reviewed in the historical context, the process by which conflicts with the overseas Chinese society over land sale lead to radical acts of violence such as intrusion into the embassy. Together with the materials of the Overseas Chinese Newspaper by actively using materials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that have never been used before, this study managed to confirm the position of the embassy (Taiwan government), which was the party concerned to the land sale, and the inside story of the land sale. There had been several rumors of ‘land sale’ in the past, but the actual sale was never successful. Although the ‘land sale’ should not be carried out in secret, in May 1965, the embassy site of 1,000 pyeong was sold to Jeong Gyu seong (丁奎成), a Chinese Japanese in Japan, without the process of the sale being disclosed. The dark memories of the past about the ‘land sale’ became a catalyst, enough to explode the feelings of anger towards the ambassador (embassy). Through the 7/19 incident, the Korean Chinese society were able to prevent further land sales, and ambassador Liang xu-zhao (梁序昭) left an image of an incompetent ‘nation’s betrayer’. The embassy in Korea achieved its intended purpose of ‘constructing a modern embassy’, but it is difficult to assert that the experiences and memories of the past conflict in the ‘government office land’ will not have an impact on today’s overseas Chinese society.

      • KCI등재
      • 1930년대 국립사천대학과 국가 상징성

        김희신 ( Hee Sin Kim ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2011 사총 Vol.74 No.-

        This study purposed to illuminate by stages the pattern of change in the symbolism of ``state (national)`` in academic areas and conflicts among individuals and organizations surrounding the symbolism during the period from the nationalization of Sichuan University in 1931 to the late 1930s when Sichuan attained a political status as ``the last defense line of nation state`` and, by doing so, to examine how individuals, organizations and the state coped with globalization, its effects on the reshuffling of local order in the future, and its results. This study was not simple description of ``the history of Sichuan University`` for explaining the growth process of the school, but an analysis of interaction among complicated mixed elements in the background of the growth of the school focused on academic, educational and cultural aspects. Issues surrounding the National Sichuan University in the 19305, in particular, those related to the appointment and retirement of the principal, the invitation of professors, school operation, academic and educational environment, and student selection involve the relation between the local government and the central government as well as academic and political relations. This study analyzed reactions and behaviors of various groups surrounding the reform of the university and discussed cooperation and collision among them, but these topics are also closely related with the restructuring of local order in Sichuan. The relation between the academic circles and the political and military circles, that is, the academic and political order in Sichuan was changed in response to the change in the status of Sichuan and the reform of the Sichuan University. Accordingly, it is possible to analyze changes in academic and political groups and their hierarchical order in history after the integration of Sichuan in the 1930s. In addition, this study will discuss the role of the state in the establishment and transition of the hierarchical order. In fact, until the integration of Sichuan, the power of the state was not decisive in determining the direction of the order and the development of academic circles. Furthermore, there was a possibility for collision among sectors surrounding political power if individuals and organizations are engaged in political activities or give pressure to block or allow changes, or if the stare works as a driving force of change with initiative. An example is that when the National Government moved the capital to Chongqing and appointed Cheng Tian fang of the CC Line as the principal in November, 1938, many sectors of Sichuan waged campaigns claiming the unjustness of the appointment and resisting the state`s education control policies, but the power of the state was rather reinforced.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        재조선 화교 염상과 조선총독부의 외염 관리

        김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

        This study examines the activities of overseas Chinese salt merchants in Joseon, especially after the foreign salt management of Joseon Governor General, how the activities of salt merchant have declined. Looking at the imports of foreign salt by open ports in 1905‐1909, most of the Chinese salt was imported through Incheon and Jinnampo. The volume of import through Busan and Wonsan was very small and almost nothing. In the 1920s, with the increase in Chinese salt consumption in Joseon, it expanded to other commercial ports such as Gunsan, Mokpo, Busan, Wonsan, and Shinuiju. Among them, 16 overseas Chinese merchants" stores selling Chinese salt were found in Incheon, Jinnampo, Gunsan, Mokpo and Shinuiju in 1930. Although there was some variation in the distribution of salt merchants by port, during the decade of the 1920s, Joseon"s overseas Chinese merchants seemed to have maintained their business without any major changes. Overseas Chinese salt merchants from different regions in the country were mainly engaged in consignment sales on behalf of salt boats from China, or by purchasing salt from the Junk(帆船) directly from China, the stores themselves traveled directly to and from China, transporting and selling salt. The process of importing and exporting salt with China"s Junk was subject to taxes with various names. In addition to export and import tariffs, Chinese Consulate in Joseon collected ‘帆船照費’ along with ‘帆船噸捐’ when the Junk arrived. In particular, the income of two items collected from Incheon consulate was used as an expense for ‘Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School’ since 1914. In general, Chinese salt imported through open ports was consumed locally by wholesalers and retailers or re‐transferred to various parts of Joseon. Overseas Chinese merchants in Joseon had store nets and customer lists in major commercial areas based on long commercial activities. In addition, they organized a salt‐business organization in each area to study Chinese salt and cope with its related business. This commercial network had important implications for salt demand, market research, information transmission and commodity trading in the Joseon market. Meanwhile, the Joseon Governor General in April 1930 started the management of imported salt in the name of Joseon"s salt industry protection. The monopoly bureau stated that they would basically do things so that the ‘existing salt workers would not be affected as possible as they could,’ according to the circumstances of each region, but it turned out that it was impossible for existing salt workers to maintain their operations. Regardless of the region, the bureau set very low prices, and there was a drastic change in the existing way of commerce. Most of the prospects of overseas Chinese salt merchants were desperate. Thus, the Chinese government tried to reduce the export tax rate of Junk salt considering the situation of salt merchants and to encourage export through cost reduction. In March 1935, there were only four salt handling stores in Incheon left, and all of the overseas Chinese salt merchant"s import sales rights were lost in other areas. The revenue of `帆船照費` and `帆船噸捐’was sharply reduced, adding to the difficulty of the security of the Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School, which eventually resulted in a temporary closure in 1932. Of course, the reason why the Overseas Chinese Elementary School was closed can be explained in various aspects. However, the lack of expenses was an important part of determining the operation of the Overseas Chinese Elementary School. Therefore, it is true that the effect of foreign salt control on overseas Chinese society cannot be neglected.

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