서평 : 국가 만들기와 지도 만들기 설혜심, 『지도 만드는 사람』(길, 2008)

김중락 영국사학회 2008 영국연구 Vol.19 No.-

올리버 크롬웰 치세의 아일랜드 정복과 코나트(Connacht) 이주(transplantation) 정책

김중락 대구사학회 2019 대구사학 Vol.134 No.-

The aim of this article to examine how the transplantation of the Irish Catholic proprietors and those who had been in arms to Connacht was designed and carried out during the Cromwellian settlement of Land in Ireland. The famous watchword, Hell or Connaught has been used to describe the harsh policy of the Cromwellian policy of transplantation, and Oliver Cromwell has been understood as the main prosecutor of the policy, as well as the massacres of Drogheda and Wexford. A closer look at the details of the initial design of land confiscation and the land settlement guides us into a different understanding of its design. Henry Ireton's suggestion of qualification on pardon in early 1651 was the basis for the Irish land settlement, which was later legislated into the Act for the Settling of Ireland in 1652 and the Act of Satisfaction in 1653. Although the number of people who were exempted from pardon was not small, Ireton allowed the Irish landowners to keep some part of their lands according to their position in the federate army. Cromwell's other son-in-law, Charles Fleetwood, Lord Deputy of Ireland, was most enthusiastic in the transplantation scheme. Due to the powerful drive under the leadership of Fleetwood, 44,200 names of Irish landowners and their dependents were recorded in the certificates submitted to the revenue commission of Galway by 1 May 1654. One of the major obstacles to the transplantation scheme was Cromwell himself. Most of the protestant royalists including the Ulster Scots were exempted from either land confiscation or transplantation under the protection of Cromwell. Appointment of his son Henry Cromwell as Lord Deputy in the expense of Fleetwood illustrates his reluctance of the harsh prosecution of transplantation. The death penalty for those who failed to transplant themselves to Connacht reduced to Barbados banishment even in the most severe cases, which hardly justified the concept of Hell or Connaught. 이 논문은 1650년대 크롬웰 정권의 아일랜드 정복과 토지정착에서 코나트로의 이주가 어떻게 시행되었는지, 누가 주도했는지, 그리고 이주정책의 과정과 결과가 어떠했는지를 밝혀보고자 한 것이다. 반란군의 토지몰수와 가톨릭 지주의 코나트 이주 계획은 아이어턴의 제안과 1652년 아일랜드 정주법 및 1653년 배상법으로 마련되었고, 이를 적극적으로 시행한 인물은 크롬웰이 아니라 당시 아일랜드 총독이었던 찰스 플릿우드였다. 코나트 이주는 “지옥이냐, 코나트냐”라는 표현과는 달리 크게 엄격하지는 않았으며, 오히려 수많은 양보 가운데 이루어진 반쪽 정책이었다.

중ㆍ고등학교 사회교과서(서양사 부분)의 문제점과 개선과제

김중락,권오현 (토론자) 역사교육연구회 2002 歷史敎育 Vol.82 No.-

얼스터(Ulster) 식민과 스코틀랜드인의 이주

김중락 대구사학회 2018 대구사학 Vol.130 No.-

이 연구의 목적은 17세기 초 아일랜드 얼스터 식민에서 왜 스코틀랜드인들이 잉글랜드인들보다 주도적이었는가를 국왕 제임스 1세의 게일릭 정책과 스코틀랜드인들의 식민경험 그리고 사회경제적 상황 속에서 파악하고자 한 것이다. 얼스터는 게일릭 문화가 강한 지역이었지만 제임스 1세는 이를 식민을 통한 통치보다는 귀족을 통한 통치지역으로 간주하였다. 그러나 얼스터의 경우는 ‘백작들의 도피’라는 갑작스러운 사건으로 불가피하게 식민을 통한 통지로 변경할 수밖에 없었다. 이러한 급격한 정책변화는 스코틀랜드인들의 경험을 필요로 하게 만들었다. 16세기 말 스코틀랜드의 게일릭 지역에 대한 제임스의 정책은 성공하기도 하였고, 실패하기도 하였지만 이는 제임스와 스코틀랜드 귀족들에게는 소중한 경험이 되었고, 얼스터 식민에서 크게 이용되었다. 그리고 17세기 초 스코틀랜드인들의 사회 경제적 상황과 게일릭 문화에 대한 경험은 얼스터 식민에서 그들의 참여를 더욱 적극적으로 그리고 용이하게 만들었다. 결국 제임스의 입장에서 보면, 17세기 초 스코틀랜드 귀족들과 서남부 주민들은 얼스터 식민을 위해 준비된 사람들이었다. The aim of this research is to examine the background of the Ulster plantation in terms of King James I's ruling principle, the Scottish experience of the Gaelic culture, and the social and economic background of Scotland in the early 17th century. James I considered the nobility as the main partner in the ruling of Gaelic society and the Scottish highlands. The policy of plantation, for James, was an alternative and final approach for his unruly subjects, as adopted in the policy for the outer hebrides. James did not regard Ulster as a region of plantation until the Flight of the Earls made the king's main approach impossible to be implemented. The Scottish experience was so much valued in the process of the Ulster plantation. Many Scottish nobles with gaelic experience were given crucial roles in the Ulster plantation. The migration of many Scots from the south-western regions of Scotland to Ulster was encouraged not just by the Scottish experience to the Gaelic world, but also by the Scottish social and economic background in the early 17th century. James I and the Scots in the early 17th century desperately needed each other for the plantation of Ulster.

아일랜드 역사교육과 민족주의 : '대기근'을 중심으로

김중락 역사교육학회 2005 역사교육논집 Vol.34 No.-

The Aim of this research is to examine how Ireland education overcome the nationalism in their history teaching by analyzing the history textbooks and particularly their description on the Great Famine. The Irish history education had been under the strong influence of the Irish nationalism as it tried to establish an Irish identity which was most needed after the independence from the British rule. Most history textbooks until 1960s tended to be strong nationalistic as the government controled the history textbooks by the Liosta which was the list of government approved textbooks. However this tendency was challenged by the revisionist interpretation in 1970s and new history movement in the English schools in 1980s. The popular sympathy seems now in the side of the revisionism. The examination of two history textbooks Dermot Lucey, The Past Today (Gill & Macmillan, 2002) and Ray Quinn and Desmond O'Leary, Door to the Past (Folens, 2002) shows that the nationalistic interpretation on the Great Famine no longer exist. Most descriptions on the various issues the Great Famine seems quite objective. However, the overcome of the nationalism in history education does not dependent upon the history textbooks. In order to get over the trap of nationalism, other elements such as mind of history teachers also must be counted.

제임스 6세의『귀신론』(Daemonologie)과 왕권의 신성화

김중락 영국사학회 2022 영국연구 Vol.47 No.-

This study examines how King James VI of Scotland justified the divine right of the kingship by analysing his Daemonologie (1597). James VI defined his kingship theory in the True Law of the Free Monarchy (1598). But it began from Newes From Scotland, a report of the North Berwick Witch-hunt of 1591. Daemonologie serves as the most important bridge in the making of his divine kingship theory. James VI's Daemonologie appears to asserts the existence of witchcraft and the punishment of witches, but implicitly seeks to emphasize the divine kingship. By arguing that witches became the devil’s servants through pacts with the devil, James reveals himself as a covenanted king with the God. In Newes From Scotland, James referred to the king as both “God’s anointed one” and “the devil’s greatest enemy”, which is described in Daemonologie as “God’s rightful lieutenant”. For James, a king could be defined as a lieutenant of God with a duty to opposes the devil. In Daemonologie, witchcraft is described as a high treason, heavier than a treason against the king, because it is rebellion against the God. Thus, James sees the king's primary and true role as punishing witches. In Daemonologie, the concept that the king is solely responsible to the God is defined in terms of the punishment of the witches rather than the exemption of responsibility toward the subjects. This was a strategy to present himself as an ideal monarch, as he had been passionate about punishing witches. 이 연구는 『귀신론』(1597)의 분석을 통해 16세기 말 스코틀랜드 왕 제임스 6세가 어떻게 왕권의 신성화를 추구하였는지를 분석한 것이다. 『귀신론』은 형식적으로는 마녀술의 존재와 마녀처벌을 주장하는 것이지만 암묵적으로는 왕권의 신성화를 추구하고 있다. 제임스는 마녀들이 악마와의 계약을 통해 악마의 하수인이 되었음을 강조하고 있는데 이는 신과의 언약에 들어간 자신을 드러내는 전략이다. 제임스는 『스코틀랜드 소식』에서 왕을 “신의 기름부은 받은 자”인 동시에 “악마의 가장 큰 대적”으로 언급하였는데 이는 『귀신론』에서 “신의 정당한 대리인”으로 묘사되었다. 제임스에게 있어서 왕권이란 신의 대리인으로서 악마를 대적하는 존재로 정의된 것이다. 『귀신론』에서 마녀술은 국왕에 대한 반역보다 더 무거운 최고의 반역으로 묘사되었는데 이는 신에 대한 반역이기 때문이다. 따라서 국왕의 최우선적이고 진정한 역할은 마녀를 엄격히 처벌하는 것이다. 마녀술에 대한 처벌은 오직 신에게만 책임을 지는 국왕의 참된 모습이다. 『귀신론』은 제임스가 마녀처벌에 열심인 자신을 이상적인 군주로 내세우는 전략이었다.

16세기 말, 17세기 초 스코틀랜드 교회의 마녀와 마녀술 인식

김중락 역사교육학회 2020 역사교육논집 Vol.75 No.-

The aim of this research is to examine how the Church of Scotland perceived witches and witchcrafts, and involved in witch-hunts in the late 16th and early 17th century. Scotland was one of the major witch-hunting countries in early modern Europe. Although the central government and local elites enthusiastically undertook the witch-hunt after 1590-1, the reformed kirk was no less involved. The contribution of the kirk in the witch-hunts can be explained in three dimensions. John Knox's interpretation and application of the Old Testament affected the kirk’s perception of witches and witchcrafts. He read the Scriptures in a literal way and believed it is applicable to his own society. The indirect condemnation of witchcraft in the First Book of Discipline and the death penalty in the Witchcraft Act of 1563 was to conform with the Old Testament, as it clearly stated in Exodus: “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live.” Given Knox’s influence on the kirk, it is not an exaggeration to say that Knox laid the basis for the kirk’s witch-hunting in Scotland. The presbyterian court system contributed to the actual witch-trials. The kirk session, presbytery, and general assembly were, in a sense, inquisitions. The kirk sessions and presbyteries, in many cases, undertook the initial investigations in the witch-trial. The kirk firmly believed that witchcraft is a crime against God and that they also have a right to be a part in the prosecution. They heard the accusers, witnesses, and suspects, and left records which had a key role in the commission trials. Without this ecclesiastical system, the efficient witch-hunt would have been impossible. The concept of the pact between the devil and witches which was introduced after the Scottish Reformation reinforced the kirk’s perception of witches as God’s enemies. The Scottish bonding culture and covenanting movement were fertile ground to take this concept. Pricking to find the devil’s mark was widely used in Europe. However, the kirk session and presbyteries used sleep deprivation rather than pricking methods. This indicates that the kirk even invented her own method of torture in witch-trials. The witch-hunt in the early modern Scotland was a presbyterian business.

영국의 다문화주의 교육과 역사교육

김중락 역사교육학회 2012 역사교육논집 Vol.49 No.-

This article aims to examine the current situation of multiculturalism in history teaching in the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom has been one of the typical multicultural societies since the 1960s. The initial policy toward the racial minorities in Britain had been one of assimilation until the publication of the Swan Report of 1985 which reported a serious racial discrimination and inequality in the educational attainment among races in Britain. The history national curriculum for primary and secondary state schools introduced in 1989 was a result of compromise between those who supported multiculturalism by allowing more space for world history than national history, and the conservatives who wanted to promote nationalism by emphasizing national history in school. An advanced history curriculum in multicultural terms was produced in 2008. The History National Curriculum of 2008 listed cultural, ethnic and religious diversity as one of six key concepts. This suggests that multicultural history education in Britain is much advanced as long as the history curriculum concerned. Another aspect of history teaching in Britain is a dramatic shift in the contents of national history from the white indigenous people to the inclusion of minority people in the history textbooks. They tried to find the existence of africans and asians in British history in order to show the British society has been diverse rather than homogeneous. Many history educators are also trying hard to teach diversity in British history through various activities in the history classrooms. In spite of these trends, however, it is difficult to say the multicultural history education in Britain has been efficient. The inclusion of minority peoples in textbooks may be helpful to rid of the prejudice that minority peoples were related to crimes. This approach, however, may lead a compartmentalization of history and can be said to be a biography rather than a history. Many history teachers were proved very incompetent in dealing the very sensitive subjects such as slavery system, the crusades and the holocaust. An investigation reports that 84% of africans students with the caribbean background feel that they were alienated from history classes and regard the subject as irrelevant to themselves. Many white students have a serious prejudice towards the minority students. Futhermore, the History Curriculum of 2008 has been under a review since January 2011. The ruling Conservative Party is trying to give more emphasis on the British history. The prime minister shocked many history teachers by saying in early 2012 that the 30 years of the British multicultural policy has failed, indicating the possible return to assimilation policy of the 1970s. However, the very fate of multiculturalism in history teaching appears to be depended upon the history teachers, not the politicians.

냉천(경상북도 포항시)의 친환경적 정비방안에 관하여

김중락,조영호 위덕대학교 산업기술연구소 2005 산업기술연구소 논문집 Vol.9 No.1

포항시의 철강공단에 인접한 하천인 냉천을 대상으로 식물상과 식생을 비롯하여 저서성 대형무척추동물의 군집구조와 하천의 일반 현황을 조사하였다. 이 조사 결과를 바탕으로 냉천의 특성에 적절한 친환경적 정비 방안을 제시하였다. Flora, vegetation, community structure of benthic invertebrates as well as general condition of Naengcheon stream near by the Pohang industrial complex have been investigated, On the basis of this investigation, a scheme for environment-friendly management is suggested.

스코틀랜드 고지대(Highlands)의 정치문화와 영국혁명의 수용

김중락 호남사학회 2011 역사학연구 Vol.43 No.-

The aim of this study is to examine how the highlanders of Scotland received the British Revolutions in the mid-seventeenth century, and what sort of the political culture affected the way of the reception of the revolution. As a part of the three kingdoms ruled by one common king, the Scottish highland could not remain unaffected by the revolution. Their involvement, however, was made in the principle of the clan foremost. For the highlanders who had been geographically isolated and economically constrained, the clanship was their lives and everything. The highland political culture was shown in the way the clan MacDonalds and the clan Campbells took part in the revolution. The two clans had been rivalry for several hundred years over Argyll and West Highland. The clan struggle between them in the 16th century worsened the situation. The British Revolution provided them with another stage of their conflict. As the Campbell joined the covenant party, the MacDonalds sided with the monarch, against whom they had fought for several hundred years. The MacDonalds and the Campbell had never been in the same side. Alasdair Maccolla, the champion of the MacDonalds was the best example to the political culture of the Highland. He fought in the king’s side. But it was the MacDonald, not the king that he fought for. From the royalist’s point of view, he betrayed the king. He, however, was a faithful person from the point of the clan MacDonalds. His primary to recover the old lands of the MacDonands from the Campbells, not the recovery of the royal power. His refusal to proceed to England to join the royalist army frustrated the king and Montrose, can be attributed his devotion to the his clan. This political culture of the Highland remained unchanged until the Highland Clearance in the 18th century. 이 연구는 영국혁명시기 스코틀랜드의 고지대인들이 혁명을 어떻게 수용하였는지, 그리고 그 수용은 어떠한 배경 속에서 이루어졌는지를 분석하고자 한 것이다. 스코틀랜드 고지대인들 역시 세 왕국의 일부로서 영국혁명에서 자유로울 수가 없었다. 그러나 그들의 참여는 친족우선이라는 그들만의 원칙 내에서 이루어졌다. 경제적으로 자원이 부족하고, 지형적으로 고립되어 있었든 고지대인들에게 친족은 그들의 생명이었고, 그들의 우주였고, 그들의 삶의 모든 것이었다. 그들은 중앙정부의 가치보다는 친족을 가장 중요한 가치로 여겼고, 이를 기초로 영국혁명에 대한 참여를 결정하였다. 이 같은 고지대인들의 정치문화를 잘 보여주는 것은 맥도날드 친족과 캠벨 친족이 혁명에 참여한 방법이다. 두 친족은 수백 년간 아가일과 서부 고지대의 주도권을 두고 경쟁해왔으며, 16세기 후반 친족전쟁을 통해 공존할 수 없는 적대관계에 있었다. 17세기 중반 영국혁명은 그들의 갈등에 명분을 만들어 준 것이었다. 영국혁명은 수백 년 동안 왕실의 적이었던 맥도날드 친족을 왕실의 친구가 되게 만들었고, 수백 년 동안 왕실과 가장 가까웠던 캠벨 친족을 왕실의 원수로 만들었다. 중앙정치의 갈등에서 두 친족이 한 번도 같은 편에 참여한 적이 없었다는 사실은 그들이 정치적 그리고 종교적 명분보다 친족의 이해를 더 중시했음을 보여주는 것이다. 맥도날드 친족의 영웅인 알라스데어 맥콜라의 행동은 친족 중심의 고지대 문화를 가장 잘 보여준다. 국왕 편에서 싸운 맥콜라의 행동은 비일관성 가운데 일관성을 보여준 인물이었다. 그는 국왕의 이익보다는 맥도날드 친족을 위해 싸웠고, 이 원칙은 국왕 편에 불리하게 작용하기도 하였다. 그러나 맥콜라의 행동은 친족의 부활이라는 원칙에서 본다면 일관성이 있고, 원칙에 충실한 것이었다. 친족의 미래가 전국적인 상황과 밀접한 관련이 있다고 생각하지 못한 것은 맥콜라 개인의 단견이기 보다는 친족우선이라는 고지대의 전통 때문이었다. 스코틀랜드 고지대의 이러한 정치문화는 18세기말 정부의 강력한 고지대 주민청소(Highland Clearance)로 친족제도가 붕괴될 때까지 존속하였다.