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      • 한국 방송의 헌법상 다원주의 실현방안 연구

        고철종 중앙대학교 법학전문대학원 2021 국내박사

        RANK : 247631

        Pluralism seeks various values and aims for diversity. Conflicts due to differences in views are natural in terms of pluralism. It is the way democracy works that various views lead to rational decision-making through competition in the free market of ideas, and at the same time, it becomes the basis of democratic principles under our Constitution. For the purpose of Article 21 of the Constitution to realize democracy through the expression of various views, the media should provide diverse and accurate information and views to the people. If media with the power to form and manipulate public opinion distort facts or abuse their power, public opinion manipulation will inevitably occur. For this reason, the Constitution allows legislation that restricts freedom of the media to ensure diversity of thought and views. The principle of regulating media applies differently depending on the characteristics of the media. Since setting up a newspaper requires a small amount of capital and easy technology, the number of newspaper companies is high. So, judging that quantitative diversity guarantees diversity of views, it applies the principle of external pluralism to newspapers. On the other hand, it was difficult for broadcasters to achieve quantitative diversity due to the limited use of radio waves in the early stages of the industry and the technical cost limitations. Accordingly, many countries adopted an internal pluralist model for broadcasting that forcibly captures diverse voices through legislation. However, since the 1990s, satellite broadcasting, general cable broadcasting, and IPTV have emerged, and the number of broadcasting channels has increased significantly, thus securing quantitative diversity. For this reason, there are growing calls for a change in the principle of internal pluralism, which has been applied to broadcasting. The desirable direction of change is that the principle of internal pluralism should be applied more strictly to public broadcasters than it is now. Despite having to serve as a conduit for various views in line with constitutional responsibilities, public broadcasters have been subordinate to political power and have shown extreme bias against constitutional demands. The principle of external pluralism shall be applied step by step to private broadcasting companies with a large increase in the number, but the minimum duty of balance and objectivity shall be given. To this end, it is reasonable to change some provisions of the Broadcasting Act. In the case of the provision of fairness and public interest under Article 6 of the Broadcasting Act, for public broadcasters, the specificity of the provisions should be strengthened to clearly define the public responsibility under the Constitution. On the other hand, it is necessary to more precisely operate the regulation of ownership under Article 8 of the Broadcasting Act and the regulation of audience share under Article 69 in order to prevent monopolization of public opinion while acknowledging some bias for private broadcasting. In addition, public broadcasters must be politically independent in order to become a public forum for various views in line with constitutional demands. The first thing to do is to improve the law so that political intervention can be minimized in the composition of the broadcaster's president or the broadcaster's board of directors. To prevent public broadcasters from making biased reports, it is also seen as effective to add "diversity of observation" items to the Korea Communica- tions Commission's evaluation of broadcasting contents. If a public broadcaster releases biased content, it will make it difficult to re-authorize the channel, thus curbing bias. In the case of private broadcasting companies, it is also appropriate to recognize their biased views, but to reflect how faithful they were to counterargument or fact-reporting in their evaluation scores. In order for various views to be released from broadcasting companies, Article 9 of the Korea Communications Standards Commission's regulation on fairness and 14 of objectivity should also be improved in a way that increases specificity. This is because the concept of fairness and objectivity is so comprehensive that there is much room for political intentions of the reviewers appointed under the allocation of the ruling and opposition parties. In addition, as there are differences in public responsibility under the Constitution between public and private broadcasters, the standards for deliberation and the intensity of sanctions should be applied differently. When public broadcasters break away from their long-standing political subordination and become channels and public forums of various views, and private broadcasters freely compete with their respective tendencies while maintaining a minimum balance, freedom of broadcasting for the purpose of the Constitution will be completed. 다원주의는 복수의 가치를 추구하면서 다양성을 지향한다. 다원주의 관점에서 견해의 차이에 따른 갈등은 당연한 것이다. 다양한 견해가 ‘사상의 자유시장’에서 활발한 경합을 통해 합리적 의사결정으로 이어지는 것이 민주주의의 작동 방식이며 동시에 우리 헌법상 민주주의 원리의 근본 바탕이 된다. 헌법 제21조의 목적인 표현의 자유를 통한 민주주의의 실현을 위해서는 미디어가 다양하고 정확한 정보와 견해를 국민에게 제공하여야 한다. 여론형성에 큰 영향을 미치고 나아가 여론을 특정 방향으로 조종할 수 있는 능력을 가진 미디어가 사실을 왜곡하고 특정 견해만을 확산할 경우, 사상의 자유시장은 변질되고 민주주의는 실패할 수밖에 없다. 이 때문에 사상과 견해의 다양성을 보장하기 위한 목적 하에 미디어의 자유를 제한하는 법률이 헌법적으로 정당성을 얻게 된다. 미디어에 대한 규제원칙은 미디어가 가진 특성에 따라 다르게 적용된다. 신문을 비롯한 인쇄미디어의 경우, 자본과 기술적 측면에서 방송보다 설립이 쉬워 수많은 매체가 경쟁하게 되었고, 이는 양적 다양성이 견해의 다양성을 보장한다는 믿음을 전제로 한 외부적 다원주의 원칙이 적용되었다. 이에 비해 방송은 생성 초기, 유한한 전파를 사용하고 기술적으로 막대한 비용이 들어가는 한계 때문에 양적 다양성을 이루기 힘들었고, 그에 따라 많은 국가들은 방송에 대해 절차적ㆍ조직적 규율을 통해 강제적으로 다양한 목소리를 담아내는 이른바 내부적 다원주의 모델을 채택하였다. 이런 산업적 특성에다 국내 방송이 형성 초기에 공공성을 강하게 요구받는 지상파 공영방송의 형태로 출발하였다는 역사성이 더해지면서, 한국의 방송법제는 자연스럽게 방송산업 전반에 대한 규율에 있어서, 방송 유형에 관계없이 일률적으로 내부적 다원주의를 공고히 하는 형태로 형성되었고 지금도 그 원칙이 유지되고 있다. 그러나 지상파 독점 시대가 저문 뒤 1990년대 이후 위성방송과 종합유선방송, IPTV가 생겨나고 여기에 프로그램을 공급하는 수많은 프로그램 공급업자(PP)들까지 등장하면서 채널이 크게 늘어나 양적 다양성까지 확보한 현재의 상황은, 그동안 방송에 대해 적용되어 왔던 내부적 다원주의 원칙의 변화를 압박하고 있다. 더욱이, 견해의 다양성과 관련된 시사ㆍ보도 기능을 가진 방송사 가운데 통상 공영방송으로 분류되는 KBS나 MBC, 준공영 방송의 성격을 지닌 YTN과 연합뉴스TV 등은 상대적으로 더 큰 공적책임과 헌법적 요구에 따라 국민의 다양한 견해를 공정하게 반영하여야 함에도 수십 년째 극단적인 편향성 논란에 휩싸여 있다. 반대로 양적 다양성의 기반을 갖춘 민영방송은 방송환경의 변화에도 불구하고 공영방송과 똑같은 공공성을 요구받으며 경향성의 표현을 억압받고 있다. 본 연구는 한국의 방송에서 헌법상의 다원주의 원칙 적용이 사실상 실패로 귀착된 이유를 구조적 역사적으로 따져보고, 다양한 방송 유형이 다원주의 실현이라는 헌법적 요구에 부응할 수 있도록 개선 방안을 찾아보고자 한다. 새로운 시대환경을 감안한 바람직한 변화의 큰 방향성은 그동안 정치적 종속으로 인해 헌법적 요구에 어긋나게 극단적 편향성을 보여 온 공영방송과 준공영 방송사에 대해서는, 공적책무인 견해의 다양성과 공정성을 보장하도록 내부적 다원주의 원칙을 보다 엄격하고 실효성 있게 적용하는 것이다. 그 대신 양적 다양성을 확보해가는 민영방송에 대해서는 단계적으로 외부적 다원주의 원칙을 적용하되, 균형성과 객관성에 대한 최소한의 의무를 정해놓아야 한다. 이를 위해 방송법의 일부 조항을 바꾸는 것이 타당하다. 방송법 제6조의 공정성과 공익성 조항의 경우, 공영적 방송사에 대해서는 공정성과 공익성 조항을 유지하거나 혹은 조항의 구체성을 강화시켜 헌법상의 공적책임을 분명히 규정하되, 언론 기능을 가진 민영방송에 대해서는 내부적 다원주의와 외부적 다원주의 원칙의 중간 단계 규율을 적용하는 게 타당해 보인다. 다만, 민영방송의 경우에도 인수합병을 통한 여론독과점 가능성을 막기 위해 방송법 제8조의 소유ㆍ겸영 규제와 제69조 시청점유율 규제를 좀 더 정밀하게 운용할 필요가 있다. 또한, 공영방송과 준공영방송이 정파성을 벗고 독립적으로 헌법적 요구인 다양한 견해의 창출과 사상의 경합을 이뤄낼 수 있도록, 방송사 사장 및 이사회 구성이나 관리감독 기구인 방송통신위원회나 방송통신심의위원회의 위원 선임과정에서, 정치권의 개입을 최소화할 수 있는 법률개선이 요구된다. 이를 위해 현재 인사혁신처에서 운용 중인 헤드헌팅 제도인 '정부 민간인재 영입 지원 시스템’을 활용하는 것도 방법이 될 수 있다. 방송 재허가에 영향을 미치는 평가심의 제도에 있어서도, 방송통신위원회 방송콘텐츠 평가항목에 ‘견해의 다양성’ 항목을 추가해 편향적 콘텐츠가 방송사 재허가의 걸림돌이 되도록 하는 방안을 제안한다. 공적책임이 큰 공영방송에 대해서는 다양한 이념과 가치, 견해를 수용했는지를 엄격히 따지는 한편, 민영방송의 경우에는 어느 정도의 편향적 견해를 인정하되, 방송이 가진 보편적인 사회적 책임의 원칙 아래에서 반론이나 사실 등에 얼마나 충실했느냐를 평가점수에 반영하는 것도 가능한 방법이다. 방송심의 제도의 개선 역시 필요하다. 견해의 다양성을 확보하기 위한 방송통신심의위원회 규정인 제9조 공정성과 제14조 객관성 조항의 경우, 개념의 포괄성 때문에 여야 할당에 따라 임명된 심의 위원의 정파성이 개입될 여지가 큰 만큼, 공정성에 대한 정의 규정을 신설하고 내용을 구체화해 정치적 이해관계가 개입될 여지를 줄여야 한다. 심의의 적용 기준이나 제재의 강도도 공영적 방송과 민영방송은 헌법의 기본 정신인 다원주의 실현이란 공적책임의 수준에서 차이가 있는 점을 감안하여 차등 적용이 타당하다. 공영적 방송사가 오랜 정치병행성의 늪에서 벗어나 다양한 정보와 견해의 통로 및 공론장이 되고, 민영방송들이 최소한의 균형성을 유지한 상태에서 제각기 격조 있는 경향성을 드러내며 자유롭게 경합할 때, 비로소 헌법이 목적으로 하는 방송의 자유가 완결될 것이다.

      • 경쟁 편성에 따른 선정성 심화와 극복 대안 모색 : 시사고발 프로그램의 케이스 분석

        고철종 중앙대학교 신문방송대학원 2001 국내석사

        RANK : 247631

        1. Presenting the point and purpose of study The problem of sensationalism regarding newspapers and broadcasting has been a delicate theme in mass media. Many producers and researchers have actual experiences which show that the more sensational the material, the stronger the appeal to viewers. But it is also true that sensationalism is hurting social rules and morals. Especially as the kinds of newspapers and the number of TV channels greatly increase, sensationalism due to competition is becoming severe. In the case of newspapers, while competing for more readers, not only sports newspapers but also ordinary newspapers use sensational stories, pictures, cartoons and advertisements and are often reported by the council. The sensationalism of broadcasting draws even more attention than that of newspapers. Especially, the sensationalism of TV is in a different dimension from that of other media. The reason is, because of the vigorous and lively screen it has much more aggressive influence. The sensationalism of broadcast programs is seen as a problem in many programs such as drama, recreation, entertainment and so on. Especially the problem of sensationalism in investigative programs, which this study will focus on, is more severe. It is because its role and impact are very much different from those of other programs. The biggest role that investigative programs play is keeping an eye on the government and society. In other words, to dig up corrupt power or social paradox and strive for improvements while standing on the side of the people. Also it plays the role of strengthening social rules. By reporting hidden social misconduct it stops people from straying. And sometimes it also plays the role of leading and improving society. By adapting rules and social values behind the times to already greatly changed current times, it brings about the creation of new rules and values. However this is when investigative programs play their genuine role. When the genuine role turns into the reverse role its vices and destructiveness are larger than other programs. Not only does it invade the privacy of helpless individuals, but it also promotes sensationalism and violence throughout society. This is because the unique aggressiveness and hostility that investigative programs have can be used as a strong tool to spread sensationalism. Instead of analyzing the structural problems of prostitution and crime, it sometimes heatedly shows how and where to engage in prostitution and crime. The criticism that it was investigative programs that imported 'Wonjo' relationships from Japan and humiliated the whole country shows the vice of the reverse role of sensationalism in itself. Also the stretching of truth brings mislead imagination and reasoning and damages the reliability of media. That is the vice of sensational and exaggerated reporting, which only goes after high ratings and has no truth in it. By making a mountain out of a mole hill and distorting the truth it greatly damages the reliability of the media as a whole as well as the media concerned. An example is the program on 'entertainer's prostitution' which made a lot of fuss but in fact had nothing to show for. Also sometimes unimportant facts that have nothing to do with the essence of a certain religion are sensationalized to have an impact on society and then used as a tool to boost ratings. And while doing so it pretends to be 'a brave guardian of social rule.' Usually investigative programs draw less attention compared to other programs when society is stable or the economy is flourishing. On the whole, investigative programs shine more brightly in times of economic hardship. This is because it dissolves the resistance to society and repressed emotions of the people in times of high unemployment rates and the fall of the middle class. In this respect after the mid 90's when we had the IMF crisis, broadcasting systems competitively made new investigative programs and put them in prime time slots. However investigative programs that should have stood on the side of the people and shone light on darkness played the reverse role. Conclusively it was more important to remain alive by playing the reverse role rather than to be praised for playing the genuine role. The IMF crisis had the greatest impact on broadcasting systems which rely greatly on advertisement. This made high ratings which attracted advertisements the main reason to keep programs on the air and so 'meaningful' programs that were not 'interesting' were soon taken off the air. Because of this, investigative programs were at the worst level of sensationalism during 1998 and 1999 when advertisement was the hardest to get. While doing this investigative programs did not find social irregularities and take care of them but rather promoted them and also became a 'problem' itself. 2. Study point In this study I will concentrate on the structural problems of investigative programs that hang on sensational matter because of competitive formation while having the role of reporting and taking care of social irregularities. By finding out if ratings really put pressure on producers who have vowed to expel sensationalism to sensationalize their programs and if in fact sensationalism really helps boost ratings, we will look for possibilities of items that bring high ratings while staying away from sensationalism. In order to do this I propose the following 4 study points. <P1> Does competitive formation of investigative programs put pressure on producers to sensationalize? <P2> Does sensationalism help boost ratings of investigative programs? <P3> Do producers prefer sensational organization tactics in order to boost ratings? <P4> Can items that give information about every day life be an alternative to sensational items while satisfying both ratings and the common wealth? 3. Method of study Investigative programs of different stations have never been formated in the same time slot in korea. In this study I have selected the items of MBC's 'Producer's Notes' and SBS's 'The 3rd Reporting Team' which were competitively formated for 2 years during 1998 and 1999 and brought vigorous ratings competition as well as criticism for sensationalism as objects for analyzation. In order to conduct the study AC Nielson ratings data was used. During this period the day by day ratings were analyzed to see if ratings put pressure on producers to choose sensational matter. Also by analyzing a certain item's per minute ratings I looked to see how much sensational structure or expression ate away at the ratings of competing programs and how ratings fluctuated with the intensity of sensationalism.

      • Retinyl palmitate microemulsion in C_(18:1)E_(10)/MCT/Water system

        고철종 고려대학교 대학원 2003 국내박사

        RANK : 247615

        Microemulsion is defined as a system of water, oil, and amphiphile that is single optically isotropic and thermodynamically stable liquid solution. Microemulsions have generated considerable interest over the years as potential drug delivery systems by incorporating a wide range of drug molecules. The structure, dynamics and transport behaviors of microemulsions are physicochemically unique and need exploration for basic understanding of their formation, state of aggregation, internal interaction, and stability with reference to their probable uses. The microemulsion systems of polyoxyethylene-10-oleyl ether/oil/water have been studied. The medium chain triglycerides (MCT) and retinyl palmitate mixture (1:1, w/w) was solubilized up to 9% w/w at the surfactant concentration of 25% w/w. The lowest phase inversion temperature (PIT) of the microemulsion solutions was about 57℃ and showed no phase separation for 6 months at room temperature. The critical micelle concentration (CMC) of polyoxyethylene-10-oleyl ether (C_(1:18) E_(10)) was 1.20 x 10^(-5) M at 27℃. The phase behavior and the pulsed field gradient NMR data clearly indicate that these microemulsions are discrete oil-in-water (O/W) microemulsions. The self-diffusion coefficient of free retinyl palmitate, MCT and MCT/retinyl palmitate mixture (1:1, w/w) were 1.61×10^(-10) m^(2) s^(-1), 2.60×10^(-10) m^(2) s^(-1) and 2.59 × 10^(-10) m^(2) s^(-1), respectively. The D of free C_(1:18) E_(10) was 4.96 × 10^(-11) m^(2) s^(-1). The relative self-diffusion coefficients of water and oil differed by more than 1 order of magnitude. The hydrodynamic radius (R_(H)) of this oil swollen micelle was calculated as 14 nm at 1% w/w oil concentration (23% w/w C_(1:18)E_(10), 0.5% w/w MCT, 0.5% w/w retinyl palmitate, 76% w/w water) and increased to 34 nm at 7% w/w oil concentration (23% w/w C_(1:18) E_(10), 3.5% w/w MCT, 3.5% w/w retinyl palmitate, 70% w/w water). The microstructure of C_(18):1E_(10)/retinyl palmitate/MCT/water has been studied. The microstructure of the microemulsion is probed using small-angle X-ray scattering, polarized light microscopy, fluorescence quenching and geometric analysis. The second critical micelle concentration (CMC) of polyoxyethylene-10-oleyl ether (C_(18:1)E_(10)) was 8.0×10^(-4) M. Liquid crystalline structure was not detected in studied microemulsion formulation. The interlayer spacing (d) and hydrocarbon radius (R_(HC)) of microemulsion increased with increasing oil content. The d was 9.12 ±0.02 nm at the volume fraction of nonpolar components (Φ_ (L) + Φ_(O)) = 0.11 and increased to 15.61 ±0.91 nm at Φ_(L) + Φ_(O) = 0.17. The hydrocarbon radius (R_(HC)) was determined to be 3.73 ±1.86 nm at Φ_(L) + Φ_(O) = 0.11 and increased to 10.35 ±0.98 nm at Φ_(L) + Φ_(O) = 0.17. The area per polar head group (a_(s)) of surfactant in O/W microemulsion decreased with increasing oil content. The a_(s) of microdroplets was 0.49 ±0.18 nm_(2) at Φ_(L) + Φ_(O) = 0.11 and decreased to 0.25 ±0.02 nm^(2) at Φ_(L) + Φ_(O) =0.17. These results indicate that the retinyl palmitate is located in the MCT core and the microemulsion droplets are discrete O/W oil - swollen micelles. The mixture of retinyl palmitate and MCT (1:1, w/w) showed the swelling effect on these microemulsion droplets.

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