고대~고려시대의 海路와 섬

강봉룡 ( Bong Yong Kang ) 대구사학회 2013 대구사학 Vol.110 No.-

한국의 해양영웅 張保皐와 李舜臣의 비교 연구

강봉룡(Kang Bong-Ryong) 역사문화학회 2002 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.5 No.1

The ocean is a window and passage for opening. Through the ocean, one nation's culture is known to the world, and foreign cultures make a rush for one nation. When the door of the ocean is opened up, these various cultures are harmonized with each other, so highly vivid culture becomes in full bloom. As cultures of the world are harmonized with each other, a peace and progressiveness spirit is full of life. The East Asia in the 8th century, where cultural exchanges through the ocean rapidly had grew, entered upon the golden age in economy and culture, while there were also circumstances that a country could not control maritime forces. At this time, people around a man, Jang Bo-go restored the ocean order in the East Asia in the 9th century producing a peace and progressiveness atmosphere. The Goryo dynasty succeeded to this and promoted ocean policies contained both autonomy and control, so it could surface as a great ocean power. On the other hand, however, the opening of the ocean sometimes shake a country's governance to its people and ruling system since maritime forces have a strong tendency of statelessness or multinationality, autonomy and originality. And statesmen in the country are apt to be tempted to control and block the ocean. It is known as a famous historical example that the Ming dynasty took measures of removal of an embargo and Chosun dynasty took measures of empting islands as well as removal of an embargo. The blockage of the ocean raises an efficiency of the country's administration, but it also courts isolation from the outside world, promoting cultural self-esteem and uniformity and stiffening a social atmosphere. The maritime forces enjoying prosperity and wealth through the ocean exchange until then experience a severe pain, so they do not hesitate to resist and provoke to break the situation. Then the national power copes with it by a wholesale oppression, and stands against the provocation (invasion) of the external maritime forces by military power.

珍島 碧波津의 고ㆍ중세 ‘해양도시’ 적 면모

강봉룡(Kang Bong Ryong) 역사문화학회 2005 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.8 No.1

Byeokpajin, a town situated at the northeast of Jindo. was a maritime town that enjoyed prosperity during the period from the ancient times to Koryo ages. Situated adjacent to Goseongri and Yongjangri at the northeast of Jindo where governing office of Jindo was established, Byeokpajin thrived as the gateway to Jindo and a sea port of strategic importance during the period. In ancient times, Byeokpajin seems to have had control over Byeokpa bay that had penetrated deep into Hangaedeul at the times as well as current salt fields. Rocky hilltop at the back of Byeokpa village called Manggeumsan or Manggeumbawi appears to have taken the part of watchtower over the sea off Byeokpajin. And the current site of dangjip seems to have been the place where an arbor was built in the third year of Koryo King Huijong′s reign. A large stone called Mangbawi at Seongtenangol, the central peak, is considered to have taken the part of the communication center with head quarters in Yongjang-ri as well as the watchtower over the sea. The legend that an ancient tomb looking like a side-entrance stone chamber tomb of Baekje period was found here suggests that Byeokpaman had been used as an important port by the central governments since Baekje period. Byeokpajin also used to be the gateway to Yongjang hill-fort that started from the mountain at the back of Yongjangri to extend as long as 12.85㎞ covering an area of 2.58 million pyeong. It seems the hill-fort had been built over a long period to defend the waters around Jindo as well as the country. The maritime force of Jindo appears to have constructed an overseas port and defense fortress in Samjiwon, Hainan. This indicates that they had control of the sea route connecting Byeokpajang - Samjiwon - Weonmunman - Geumhoman -Dangpo - Bigeumdo - Uido - Heuksando. The neighborhood of Byeokpajin, Jindo is a place to be recorded in the oceanic history of Korea. In A.D. 912. Wanggeon took this place as the bridgehead to have command of the southwestern sea. and at the latter part of Koryo period. Sambyeolcho made this place as their headquarters. It was here that Admiral Yi Sunshin fought the Battle of Myeongryang in 1597 to take back the command of the sea from Japanese naval forces. Historical facts like this should be considered in the development of Byeokpajin as a historic site. To achieve the purpose. historic relics. such as Yongjangsanseong, Mangbawi and Manggeumbawi, should be stood out in bold relief and particular importance should be attached to Byeokpajeong as a symbol of cultural heritage testifying to the prosperity of ancient Byeokpajin. In addition, Byeokpajeong and dangjip should be restored at a place to make a contrast between the period of prosperity and the period of decay, and the culture of ruling class and the culture of the masses.

3~5세기 영산강유역 ‘甕棺古墳社會’와 그 성격

姜鳳龍(Kang Bong-Ryong) 역사교육연구회 1999 역사교육 Vol.69 No.-

조선시대 호남지역 포구의 사례 조사ㆍ연구

강봉룡(Bong-Ryong Kang),변남주(Nam-Ju Byun) 목포대학교 도서문화연구소 2006 島嶼文化 Vol.28 No.-

무안반도 포구 총 41개소를 조사ㆍ연구하였다. 먼저 조선시대 문헌에 나타난 포구와 나타나지 않는 포구로 나누었고, 각각을 강상포구와 해상포구로 나누어 정리하되, 수군진과 고고학 자료를 통해서 확인한 포구도 별도의 항목으로 설정하였다. 이번 연구ㆍ조사에서 우리나라 역시 포구의 나라였음을 새삼 확인하였고, 그런 의미에서 ‘津津浦浦’란 관용어가 우리에게도 적용될 수 있지 않을까 하는 생각을 해 보았다. 이번 조사에 나타난 몇 가지 특징적인 점을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 무안반도는 물길과 포구가 특히 발달한 모습을 보여주고 있다는 점이다. 이번 조사에서 확인한 무안반도의 포구는 총 41개소에 달했다. 이는 앞에서도 지적했듯이 무안반도가 한반도 축소판의 형상을 띠고 있고 사면이 바다와 강으로 둘러싸인 ‘물안’의 형세를 띠고 있기 때문일 것이다. 둘째, 강상포구가 해상포구보다 오히려 많다는 점이다. 총 41개 포구 중에서 강상포구가 29개소에 달하고 있어 해상포구보다도 더 발달된 모습을 보여주고 있다. 이는 포구가 바다와 강을 통해서 내륙 깊숙이까지 망라하는 물류네트워크의 거점 역할을 수행했음을 의미하는 것으로 판단된다. 셋째, 조선시대 문헌에 나타난 포구가 극히 일부일 뿐이라는 점이다. 조선시대 문헌에서 확인되는 무안반도의 포구는 총 17개소에 불과하다. 엄연히 존재했을 포구에 대한 기록이 이처럼 대다수가 누락된 것은 조선시대 포구에 대한 인식의 일단을 보여주는 것으로 여겨진다. 즉 물류의 핵심적 기능을 수행했음에도 불구하고 중시되지 못했던 이율배반성을 느끼게 한다. 넷째, 오늘날 지명조사에서조차도 포구에 대한 관심이 미약하다는 것이 드러났다는 점이다. 조선시대 문헌에 나타나지 않은 포구 24개소 중에서 한글학회에서 편찬한 『한국지명총람』에 나오는 포구는 13개소에 불과하다. 11개소는 지명 조사에서 누락된 셈이다. 다섯째, 고대의 포구와 조선시대 포구가 일치되지 않는 경향이 있다는 점이다. 단적인 예로 고고학 자료를 통해서 확인한 고대 거점 포구 2개소가 조선시대 문헌에도 나타나지 않는 것으로 미루어 보아, 고대 포구의 단절성을 엿볼 수 있다. 이는 국제적 성격을 띠는 고대 포구와 국내적 성격을 띠는 조선시대 포구의 차이에서 말미암은 현상일 수도 있겠고, 고대 포구와 조선시대 포구의 입지적 차이에서 연원하는 것일 수도 있겠다. 이점 앞으로 포구 조사ㆍ연구에서 유념할 대목으로 남겨 두고자 한다. Total 41 location of ports in Muan peninsula was investigated and studied. First of all, ports are divided into the registered one in articles from Joseon dynasty and the unregistered. Each of ports are separated into river ports and sea ports. The confirmed ports from archeological document and naval port is also set as special category. In this investigation, Korea can be identified as land of ports, and from this, idiom of ‘律律浦浦’(ferries and shores) can be applicable to us. Summarization of this investigation is follows:<br/> Firstly, Muan peninsula shows the advanced state of waterways and ports. Total number of ports in Muan peninsular is 41. As stated before, Muan peninsular has the similarity of Korean peninsular, and shows the situation of ’water surrounded’ by seas and rivers for all four sides.<br/> Secondly, the number of river ports are higher than the sea one. In 41 ports, 29 is river ports, and they showed more advanced aspects. This indicates that ports are logistic headquarter into deeper inland area through sea and river channel.<br/> Thirdly, the registered ports in document from Joseon dynasty is merely small port of all. Confirmed ports by Joseon dynasty’s document is only 17 locations. Omission of record that should exist indicates the acknowledgement of that time. Therefore, port is acted as core function of logistics, but it is treated poorly.<br/> Fourthly, even in today’s location survey, the concern for port is weak. Among 24 locations that are omitted in Joseon dynasty’s document, only 13 locations are listed in ’Dictionary for Korean name for location' by Hangeul Society. 11 locations are omitted from location survey.<br/> Fifthly, there is a tendency of incoherency in ancient ports and ports of Joseon dynasty. As one example, two ports from archeological document in Goryeo dynasty is not included in Joseon dynasty’s document. This indicates the alienation of ancient ports. This may come from the discrepancy between international aspect in ancient port and domestic aspect in Joseon dynasty’s port. In addition, this can be explained by the location difference between ancient ports and the one in Joseon dynasty. This point should be concerned for future investigation and study on ports.

新羅 中古期의 州郡制와 地方官

姜鳳龍(Kang Bang-Ryang) 경주사학회 1997 경주사학 Vol.16 No.-

바다로 보는 한국사

강봉룡(Kang, Bong-yong) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.232

Although, until the Three Kingdoms Period, mainly the coastal sea roads had been relied on, ever since the Unified Silla(新羅), the sea roads that cross or divide the Yellow Sea had been newly pioneered. With the sea roads getting diversified and expanded, the civilization interchanges in East Asia had been developing innovatively. Such a trend had continued until the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty. However, entering into the 13<SUP>th</SUP> century, while being invaded by the Mongol Empire, a new situation was entered into. The mighty sea power of Koryo fell. And the island and coastal regions continued to be desolated. At the end of the Koryo Dynasty, although the discussions about reconstructing the island and coastal regions took place, the newly-born Joseon(朝鮮) could not accept this. For Joseon, there was no choice but to follow up the measures of the sea prohibition and the empty islands of Ming(明). From the latter half of the 17<SUP>th</SUP> century, the islands changed from a space in which one cannot live to a space in which one can live. But the sea prohibition became even more strengthened. Such a situation had continued until concluding the terms between Josun and Japan in 1876.

완도 법화사지의 성격에 대한 신고찰-고려 후기의 항몽(抗蒙)과 백련결사(白蓮結社), 그리고 송징(宋徵)과 관련하여-

강봉룡 ( Kang Bongyong ) 호남사학회 2022 역사학연구 Vol.85 No.-

본 논문은 완도의 장보고 중심 역사인식에 대한 반성의 차원에서 고려 후기 완도 법화사지의 역사적 현황을 고고 자료, 문헌 자료, 설화 자료의 검토를 통해 살펴본 것이다. 법화사지에서 출토된 명문 기와는 완도 법화사가 12세기 초에 재건되었고, 1243년에 완도를 ‘거점 섬’으로 지정하고 법화사에 전략시설을 조성하였을 가능성을 보여준다. 1243년 당시 고려의 최이정권은 진도의 용장성에 도성에 버금가는 전략시설을 구축하고, 이를 중심으로 완도와 압해도 등의 주요 섬을 연결하는 서남해지역 ‘거점 섬 네트워크’를 구축하였다. 문헌 자료에 의하면 1247년에 백련결사의 2대 사주였던 천인과 그의 도반인천책 등이 몽골의 침략을 피해 ‘거점 섬’ 완도의 전략시설이 조성된 법화사로 들어왔다. 그리고 그 즈음에 고려의 官人 이영이 유배형을 당하여 완도로 왔고, 이영의 작은아버지 승려 혜일도 완도에 들어왔다. 이는 ‘거점 섬’으로 지정되고 법화사에 전략시설이 조성된 직후의 일로서, 당시 완도 법화사가 항몽의 공동체이자 법화신앙의 공동체로 기능했음을 보여준다. 완도의 설화적 인물 송징은 완도에서 명멸해간 민중영웅들을 다면적으로 대변하는 복합적 캐릭터이다. 따라서 역사화 과정에서 송징이 때로는 장보고로 치환되기도 하고, 때로는 삼별초의 장수로 치환되기도 하는 것은 나름 정당하다고 할 수 있다. 근래에 법화사지 발굴에서 12~13세기 유물이 집중적으로 출토됨에 따라 송징을 삼별초의 장수로 치환하려는 시도가 일어나고 있는 것도 그러한 맥락에서 이해할 수 있다. This thesis examines the historical status of Wando Beophwasa Temple Site in the late Goryeo Dynasty through a review of archaeological data, literature data, and narrative data in order to reflect on Wando’s perception of Jang Bogo-centered history. The letter inscribed tile excavated from Beophwasa Temple Site shows the possibility that Wando Beophwasa Temple was rebuilt in the early 12th century, and Wando was designated as a “hub island” in 1243 and strategic facilities were built in Beophwasa Temple. In 1243, the Choi Yi regime of Goryeo established a strategic facility comparable to that of the capital city in Yongjang-castle, Jindo, and built a “hub island network” in the southwest sea region that connects major islands such as Wando and Abhaedo. According to the literature data, in 1247, Cheonin, the second boss of the Baeknyeongyeolsa, and his religious friend, Cheonchaek, entered Beophwasa Temple, where strategic facilities of Wando, a “hub island,” were built to avoid Mongolian invasion. And around that time, Lee Young, a Goryeo official, was exiled and came to Wando, and Lee Young’s uncle, Monk Hyeil, also entered Wando. It was immediately after it was designated as a “hub island” and a strategic facility was established in Beophwasa Temple. At that time, it shows that Wando Beophwasa Temple functioned as a community of anti-Mogolia and a community of Beophwa faith. Song Jing, a folktale character in Wando, is a complex character that represents the folk heroes who have been wiped out in Wando in multiple ways. Therefore, in the process of historicalization, it can be said that it is reasonable that Songjing is sometimes replaced by Jang Bogo, or sometimes replaced by Sambyulcho’s commander. In that context, it can be understood that as relics from the 12th to 13th centuries have been intensively excavated from the excavation of the Beophwasa Temple Site, several attempts to replace Songjing with a commander of Sambyeolcho are taking place.

고대 동아시아 海上交易에서 百濟의 역할

姜鳳龍(Kang Bong-Yong) 한국상고사학회 2002 한국상고사학보 Vol.38 No.-

한반도를 에워싸고 있는 서해와 남해는 고대 동아시아 문물교류의 통로였다. 이를 통해 한∙중∙일 삼국 사이에 활발한 문물교류가 이루어졌고, 각국은 문화의 발전과 國富의 증진을 성취해갈 수 있었다. 따라서 이 항로가 어떤 이유에 의해서건 경색되게 된다면, 그 걸림돌을 제거하지 않으면 안되었다. 위만조선이 걸림돌이 되었을 때, 漢이 이를 멸하고 그곳에 낙랑군을 두어 교역의 대리역으로 삼았다. 그리고 낙랑군과 뒤에 신설된 대방군은 동아시아 국제교역의 대리역을 충실히 수행했다. 그런데 4세기에 들어 낙랑∙대방군이 고구려에 의해 축출되자, 한강하류역에서 일어난 백제가 그 역할을 자임하고 나섰다. 백제의 근초고왕은 그 역할을 훌륭하게 수행하였고, 그 결과 백제는 해양강국의 면모를 갖추게 되었다.그러나 4세기 말경부터 고구려가 이에 반격을 가하면서 동아시아 국제교역의 새로운 장애물로 대두하였다. 동아시아 여러 나라는 다시금 교역 통로가 경색됨으로 인해 고통을 받아야 했다. 백제는 주변국가를 설득하여 反高句麗 국제연대망을 구축하여 대항하였으나, 고구려의 강력한 저지선을 돌파하는 데에는 역부족이었다. 이미 고구려는 중국의 남∙북조 및 북방의 柔然과 4강의 세력균형을 구축해 놓은 상황이었기 때문에 누구도 고구려의 교역 방해 공작을 쉽게 저지할 수 없었던 것이다. 근초고왕 대의 해양강국을 재건하려는 백제의 노력은 번번이 수포로 돌아갔으며 숫한 시련과 좌절을 맛보아야 했다. 내분이 일어나 국왕이 시해되기도 했고, 충실한 백제의 추종세력이던 왜가 백제를 통하지 않고 중국 남조와 직접 거래하는 ‘홀로서기’를 시도하기도 하여, 백제를 더욱 어렵게 만들었다. 그렇지만 백제의 해양강국 재건의 꿈은 무령왕대에 이루어졌다. 신라∙가야∙왜, 그리고 중국 왕조와의 연맹관계를 회복∙강화하고, 고구려를 군사적으로 압도하면서, 서해와 남해의 연안항로를 재개시킬 수 있었던 것이다. 이로써 백제는 다시 강국이 되었음을 국제적으로 공인받고 동아시아 국제교역을 주도적으로 중개해 갈 수 있었다. 그리고 이런 추세는 성왕 대에까지 이어졌다. 그렇지만 이것은 오래가지 못했다. 곧바로 신라의 도전이 이어졌던 것이다. The Yellow Sea and the South Sea surrounding the Korean peninsula were important channels for cultural exchange between the ancient kingdoms in East Asia. Each kingdom in Korea, China, and Japan was able to achieve cultural development and wealth via the exchanges. Any obstacle that blocked the maritime routed linking between kingdoms had to be removed. When Wiman Joseon(衞滿朝鮮) began to pose a threat, Han China destroyed the kingdom and established Nangnang Commandery(樂浪郡) and, later, Daebang Commandery(帶方郡) on the Korean peninsular to use them as the base for its international trade with the rest of the region. When the two Han Commanderies were eventually ousted from the peninsula by Goguryo(高九麗) in the 4th century, Baekje(白濟) began to emerge as a power that would succeed the role the two Han commanderies had played. It was during the reign of King Geunchogo(近肖古王) that Baekje established itself as a major maritime power in East Asia. In late 4th century, however, Baekje's role as a mediator for international trade began to be checked by Goguryeo, and the regional maritime trade persuaded neighboring countries to form an international alliance against Goguryeo to restore the disrupted maritime trade routes. However, the kingdom never succeeded in holding its enemy in check because by that time Goguryeo had already become one of the major powers in East Asis in close cooperation with both southern and northern dynasties in China as well as a northern kingdom called Yuyeon. During the reign of King Geunchogo, Baekje suffered a serious setback caused by Goguryeo's interruption of the kingdom's efforts to regain its maritime power. Baekje also suffered from a series of political and economic disturbances that broke out during the same period. A king was murdered in an internal struggle for power, and Wae bagan to independently contact the Chinese southern ddynasties without Baekje's mediation. It was during the reign of King Muryeong(武寧王) that Baekje regain its maritime power. The kingdom finally restored its alliance with Silla(新蘿), Gaya(加耶), Wae(倭) and the southern dynasties of China ,and reopened its maritime trade routes while efficiently blocking interruptions by Goguryeo. Baekje's prosperity as a leading maritime power in the region continued until the reign of King Seong(聖王), when the kingdom began to be seriously challenged by Silla.

後百濟 甄萱과 海洋勢力 : 王建과의 海洋爭覇를 중심으로

姜鳳龍(Kang Bong-Ryong) 역사교육연구회 2002 역사교육 Vol.83 No.-

This study is on the relationship between maritime powers in the Post Three Kingdoms era of Korean history and the conflict between the two most powerful military leaders of the time, Gyeon Hwon of the Post Baekje dynasty and Wang Geon, the founder of the Goryeo dynasty. Firstly, I shall discuss the political trend surrounding the maritime powers in the Suncheon(順天) area led by Park Yeong-Gyu(朴英規) and Kim Chong(金摠). In 889, Gyeon Hwon was sent by the Unified Silla court as the leader of government forces to defend the kingdoms southwestern area. On arriving in Jinju(晋州), however, he declared independence for his forces from Silla and successfully won over the local maritime powers led by Park and Kim that were based on the Suncheon area at the time. The alliance between the leaders provided Gyeon Hwon a valuable opportunity for maritime experience, which would become a major contribution to the growth and expansion of the Gyeon Hwon government. At this stage, Gyeong Hwon didn"t move to the southwestern area, but rather turned to the north, to the inland area of Muju(武州, todays Jeonnam Province). During the journey he continued to rally local militias until he finally seized Gwangju(光州) in 892. In Gwangju, which he used as the base of his forces, he initiated military campaigns for 9 years against the maritime powers in the southwestern area without any significant success. He founded the Post Baekje kingdom in 900 with Jeonju(全州) as the capital of his newly born kingdom. His campaigns against the southwestern area kept on, but the results were just the strengthening antipathy of the area and a sense of impending crisis among its people. Meanwhile, Wang Geon was able to successfully advance to the southwestern area in 903 under the strong support of the local sea-coastal militia led by Oh Da-Ryeon(吳多憐) who was, like many others in the area, nursing ill feeling against Gyeon Hwon. Then, Wang himself had to face resistance from island-based militia groups in the area, such as the one led by Neung Chang(能昌), as well as counteractions by Gyeong Hwon. It was in 914 at the latest that Wang Geon was able to overcome the hostility of his military rivals, thus securing the southwestern area as a safe power base for him. Among a number of local maritime militias wielding influence in Jinju(where Gyeong Hwon first declared his independence) during the period between 924 and 927, was one by Wang Bong-Gyu(王逢規). His was a powerful political faction that maintained an independent diplomatic channel with the Post Tang dynasty based in the Shang Dong peninsula, China. His militia seems to be one of the major maritime powers in the area, along with those led by Park Yeong-Gyu and Kim Chong that could maintain political influence under the approval and even protection of Gyeon Hwon. He was last referenced by history books in April 927, after which he disappeared from recorded history. A possibility is that he was eliminated during the military conflicts in April 927, surrounding Dolsando(突山島) and Namhaedo(南海島) Islands at the sea of Jinju. The military conflict between Gyeon Hwon and Wang Geon over the maritime hegemony continued to seesaw until the tide was in Wangs favor in 935. Gyeon Hwon finally surrendered to Wang Geon in June after he was ousted from power by his son, Sin Geom. Silla surrendered in October same year. The last maritime power in the area, led by Park Yeong-Gyu, also surrendered in February of the following year. Now the political picture of the maritime hegemony during the Post Three Kingdoms era was left to Wang Geon to draw.