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      • 濟州島 巫俗儀禮 硏究

        玄容駿 제주대학 1975 논문집 Vol.7 No.1

        1) Rites of Shamanism of Jeju Island are classified formally as basic formal rite, rites for passage of god, myth rite, sacred play rite, and others. 2) The basic formal rite is a common form in all the rites of Shamanism of Jeju Island, it is the form to let god descend vertically and they pray to god. It originates from the cosmology that the cosmos is fromed vertically, which corresponds to the form that god in myth descends vertically. 3) The rite for passage of god is the ritual form that they invite god horizontally and pray to it. It is the ritual form which is fromed from horizontal cosmology, which corresponds to the form that god in myth comes into being horizontally. That the form to make god's appearance in myths and rites is acted in concert with each other, expresses what myth prescribes the ritual form. 4) Myth rite is the ritual form that the recite myths are followed by praying to god. It is an outcome and remain of ancient thought that the recite myths make god be appearance and that there is a function to certify attaining matters of prayer in it. 5) Sacred play rite is a ritual form that demonstrates the contents of myth dramatically. It is a ritual method which reappears the mytlli4 facts actually by manifesting god before one's eyes and which tries to certify certainty of ritual effect. This ritual form has not only the character of religious sacred drama but that of popular folk drama, and in that phase tile drama became not defferenciated from others in a religious rites, which expresses the early stage of drama. 6) In conclusion the rites of Shamanism of Jeju Island is formed to be based on myths, and by myth the rightness of which is certified and its meaning becomes clear. Such state represents ancient religious rites and artistic accomplishments as well as existing states of literature in Korea.

      • 韓·日 神話의 比較

        玄容駿 제주대학 1976 논문집 Vol.8 No.1

        Ⅰ Myt on the Beginning of the World 1) There appears the view which a land had teen floated in the water originally by the myth of beginning of the world of Kojiki and Nihenshoki in Japan. In Korea, such a view has been transmitted from generation to generation by the legend of Bi-yang Island, Neung-la Island, and Going-ju Mountain, etc. Such a similarity establishes the fact that both country had the sane myth of the begining of the world in ancient times. 2) By the myth of Izanaki, Izanami in Japan, they say that the fire divided the heaven and the earth, and the myth of shamanism in Korea explains that the Heaven and the earth was divided by the sun. Both myths are similar to cause of explanation for the division of the heaven and the earth. Ⅱ Myth on Living and Dying The myth visiting Hades written in Izanaki of Japan and the myth producing gods written in shamanism of Korea are similar to explanation on originality of living and dying of human being. Both myths explain that god of this world is living god, and god of the world beyond is dying god, and they say that the gods of both world had a constest of ability, as the result of it god of this world won the game, so that human being increase. Those explanations are just the same in both myths. Ⅲ Myth on Foundation of Country Myths of Foundation of both Korea and Japan are similar to explanation that the god descending on the forests of mountain established the country, that the god drifting ashore assisted to established the country. And both is also similar to explanation which the fellow who had ruled over the country handed his country over to heavenly descendant asserting his orthodoxy en foundation of the country. Considered that both country is adjoining georaphically, kept in historical contact and the cultural relation, the similarity of above all the myths not only proves its true that they are the same system but it is right in their assumption that the myth of Japan was transmitted and formed through Korea, for Korea has acted as an intermediary constantly. Such a fact gives suggestion to us that culture of the ruling class in Japan was transmitted to them by way of the Peninsula of Korea.

      • 韓國傳承童謠에 드러난 靑少年의 意識

        玄容駿,金榮敦 제주대학교 1980 논문집 Vol.12 No.1

        1.0. 오늘날 靑少年들의 문제는 世界性을 띠고 있다. 한국의 경우에는 특히 요마적 2,30년 사이 近代化 기간의 단축으로 말미암은 逆機能이 크고 正體危機의 심각성이 따른다. 1.1. 그 正體危機를 극복하기 위해서는 韓國靑少年文化의 定立이 시급하며, 그 한 방법으로 文化遺産의 하나인 전승동요를 이용할 수 있을 것이다. 1.2. 다만, 그 수집연구가 여태껏 본격화되지 못했으므로, 이런 계제에 한국전승등요에 드러난 靑少年의 意識分析作業을 試圖함을 그 작업의 한계를 스스로 안게 마련이다. 1.3. 韓國傳承童謠에 드러난 靑少年의 의식을 밝히는 방법은 갖가지이겠지만, 그 가운데서 題材別 分析과 그 主題에 드러난 두드러진 의식을 밝히는 데 역점을 두려 한다. 2.0. 韓國傳承童謠에 담긴 意識을 살피기 위한 한 방법으로 몇 분의 전승동요 분류안을 참고 하면서, 그 題材分析을 試圖해 볼 수 있다. 2.1. 金素雲·任東權·박두진의 分類案을 참고하면서, 필자는 한국의 전승동요를 ① 動植物謠, ② 天體·氣象謠, ③ 遊戱謠, ④ 諷笑謠, ⑤ 語戱謠, ⑥ 자장가, ⑦ 其他謠로 나누는 게 우선 무난할 듯하다는 확신이 섰다. 2.2. 動植物謠와 天體氣象謠는 다같이 자연을 노래했다는 면에서 自然謠라 볼 수 있고, 어 린이들은 이 自然謠를 즐겨 부르며 노는 사이에 道와 德과 秩序를 배운다. 2.3. 또한 諷笑謠와 語戱謠는 일종의 말놀이이므로, 넓은 뜻으로는 遊戱謠에 포괄된다. 自然謠(動植物謠 天體氣象謠) 역시 어린이들의 靜的, 動的인 한갖 놀이로 불러지므로, 傳承童謠의 主宗은 遊戱謠라 말할 수 있다 2.4. 따라서, 한국의 전승등요는 자연을 무대로 하거나, 집단적 놀이 그 자체를 위한 遊戱謠라고 말할 수 있다. 3.0. 민요처럼 두렷하지는 않지마는, 몇몇 동요집등에 수록된 동요를 살피다 보면, 동요에서도 여러 패턴의 의식을 간추려낼 수 있다. 동요에 드러난 청소년의 의식 가운데 두드러진 바는 ① 隣助協同意識, ② 同類意識, ③樂天的 生活意慾, ④ 水平的 民主意識, ⑤ 秩序意識과 더불어, ⑥ 아름다운 꿈과 ⑦ 깊은 愛情등을 내세울 수 있다. 3.1. 어린이들은 傳來的 韓國社會에서의 친족과 이웃끼리의 協扶意識을 고스란히 받아들인 채 동요로 쏟고 있다. 서로 돕고 괴로움을 서로 나누는 내용의 사설을 즐겁게 노래하며 集團的인 놀이를 되풀이하는 가운데, 사회에 적응하는 능력을 기름으로써 寬容化, 協同化의 정신을 배운다. 3.2. 전승동요에 보면, 또한 同類意識이 꽤 드러난다. 많은 노래의 내용에서도 살필 수 있거니와, 四足獸를 제재하기보다, 자그만 동물을 노래하는 경향이 많음도 또한 同類意識에 근거함인 줄 안다. 3.3. 또한 한국의 전승동요에는 樂天的 快朗性이 두드러지게 드러난다 이 樂天性은 세게 모든 어린이들의 일반적 성향이겠지마는, 한국 전승동요의 경우에는 그 快朗催에 멋이 깃들어있다. 3.4. 어린이들은 民主主義의 信奉者다. 水平的 民主意識이 짙게 깔렸는가 하면, 「類同의 引力」(the attraction of likes)에 따른 交友 또한 민주주의에 터전한 것이다. 3.5. 한국의 어린이들은 벗들과 어울리며 뛰놀면서 道德的 規準과 集團的 思考를 배우며 익히는 가운데, 生活秩序를 짙게 터득해 간다. 3.6. 전승등요 가운데는 곱고 소담스러운 꿈이 흐른다. 어린이들에게 주어지는 꿈은 관념적이요, 허황한 게 아니라, 우선은 비록 자그맣더라도 일상적, 구체적인 것이다. 3.7. 또한 전승동요에는 父母兄第 특히 母情으로부터 출발하여 벗과 이웃으로 擴散되는 따스한 愛情이 넘친다. 1.0. Today, the problems of youth are a worldwide issue. In the case of Korea, its rapid modernization during the past 20 or 30 years has had harmful side effects, resulting in crises that are typical in a modernizing society. 1.1. To overcome the such crises, Korea's youth culture must be integrated into society as soon as possible. we can utilize orally-handed-down children's songs one of our cultural inheritances, as a method to overcome these crises. 1.2. Since orally-handed-down children's songs has not yet been collected and studied on a scale, there are limits to this attempt to analyze Korean youths' attitudes in the structure of Korean oral folktales. 1.3. There are various ways to analyzing youths's attitudes in Korean orally-handed down children's songs. This essay will put emphasis on analyzing folktale materials and on disclosing youths's attitudes in the themes of these tales. 2.0. By consulting several classification schemes of Korean orally-handed-down children's songs materials can be analyzed as one method of studying the structure of attitudes in Korean orally-handed-down children's songs. 2.1. In regard to Kim So-woon' s, Im Dong-kwon's and Park Doo-jin's classification schemes, Korean orally-handed-down children's songs are divided into seven parts, including the following: 1. Songs of animal & plants, 2. songs of the celestial sphere & atmospheric phenomena, 3. songs of merrymaking, 4. songs of satire, 5, songs of language, 6, cradlesongs, 7. others. 2.2. songs of animal & plants, and of the celestial sphere & atmospheric phenomena, can be said to be "songs of nature" since the two songs celebrate nature. Children learn morality, virtue and public order in the course of enjoying themselves while singing the "songs of nature". 2.3. The songs of satire and language are "language songs" of a sort. Therefore, broadly speaking, they refer to merrymaking. Since songs of nature (songs of animal & plants, and of the celestial sphere) are dynamic and static song·s for children, the main songs of Korean orally-handed-down can be said to be songs of satire. 2.4. Therefore, most of Korean orally·-handed-down children's songs are songs of nature, or songs of merrymaking 3.0. Though orally-handed-down children's in the category of nursery rhymes are not as clear as songs, youths's attitudes in orally-handed-down children's can to divided into several patterns. The most striking patterns of youths' attitudes are here: 1. attitudes of cooperation, 2. attitudes of same sort, 3. attitudes of optimistic life, 4. attitudes of liberal democracy. 5. attitudes of public order, 6. attitudes of beautiful dreams, 7 attitudes of deep love. 3.1. Children learn and enjoy their songs while learning attitudes of cooperation front their family and from neighbors. They also learn the sprit of generosity by developing their contribution to society in the course of singing songs of joys and sorrows, and while living ill a group. 3.2. Attitudes of same sort are often presented in the orally-handed-down children's songs and in the many songs. Notably, regarding attitudes of same sort, most of the songs were not about big, four-legged animals, but about small animals. 3.3. An optimistic cheerfulness is remarkly present in Korean orally-handed-down children's songs The cheerfulness is typical of a child's inclination toward the world. In addition, Korean orally-handed-down children's songs characteristically reflects zest in addition to cheerfulness. 3.4. Children are devotees of democracy. They are attracted to equality as well as the haying attitudes of liberal democracy. 3.5. Korean children learn the conventions of social life in the course of familiarizing themselves with the moral canons and the thought manners of their peer group. 3.6. There are beautiful and attractive dreams in the orally-handed-down children's songs Children's dreams are not ideological and unreliable, but substantial and actual even when they are small in scale. 3.7. Finally, in Korean orally-handed-down children's songs, there is evidence of affection spreading to friends and neighbor from parents, affection between brothers and sisters, and especially of a mother's devotion.

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