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Movement of Null Determiner in English Clausal Complement
Seungwan Ha 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.1
This paper aims to investigate the derivation of pleonastic it out of the clausal complement in English. The derivation is correlated with the so called sentential subject constructions, so we will first review issues on movement of the clausal complement found in the previous literature, and discuss the distribution of it. The previous literature has observed two empirical facts for sentential subject: 1) the distribution of sentential subject appears to be correlated with the availability of DPs in the complement of the predicate, and 2) the sentential subject occupies on the left periphery - i.e. a topic position -and a null pro occupies SpecTP. To account for the facts, the previous literature suggests that a null determiner merges to the clausal complement prior to topicalization. The null determiner bears an uninterpretable feature that can be checked off by the topic head, which in turn implies that all clausal movement involves a null determiner. Based on the findings that the previous accounts have made, I propose that the morphological composition of pleonastic it is not uniform in English, and that the null determiner can be topicalized out of the clausal complement and morphologically realized as it.
Remarks on the Structure of Resultative Small Clause Predicates in Korean
Seungwan Ha 한국생성문법학회 2020 생성문법연구 Vol.30 No.1
This paper aims to account for an asymmetry for movement of the resultative small clause (SC) predicate in Korean. The previous literature demonstrates that unlike the pound-type predicate, the make-type predicate is prohibited from fronting due to a violation of anti-locality and contradictions of linear ordering between spell-out domains. However, some challenges are posed to the previous analyses, in that the phase extension would permit the make-type SC-predicate inversion (den Dikken 2006), incorrectly predicting the predicate-fronting to be available. We argue that Relativized Minimality is violated when SC-predicate moves over the SC-subject in the make-type resultative clause. We also address the issue of why deletion of the SC-predicate is prohibited. Unlike Chung’s (2018) analysis that appeals to the impossibility of non-constituent deletion, we argue that such deletion is constrained by the morphological requirement of resultative morphemes in that the SC-predicate deletion leaves a resultative marker stranded with no place to be affixed.
Seungwan Ryu,Sungsoon Yim,Seokmin Wi,Seungyun Jung,Sanghoon Kim,Byeonghee Kim 제어로봇시스템학회 2022 제어로봇시스템학회 국제학술대회 논문집 Vol.2022 No.11
Among numerous process conditions, e.g. pressure, temperature, and RF, the pressure is one of the essential control parameters to influence on semiconductor manufacturing because its change affects the etch rate, selectivity, aspect ratio, and so on. Therefore, it is important to delicately and consistently control several reference pressures in process recipe. In this paper, we model a system of a process chamber as a transfer function using a time-domain system identification method. After then, a scheduled proportional-integral-differential (PID) controller is designed to regulate a series of reference pressure. To this end, we employ gain sets optimized by Genetic Algorithm (GA) considering control performance indices, i.e. overshoot, rise time, and settling time. Through our experimental results, we confirm that our control scheme shows appreciable improvement compared with a current pressure controller applied in mass production line.
An Evasion Analysis of Korean Sluicing
Seungwan Ha 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.1
It is well-known that the derivation of Korean sluicing differs from that of English counterpart. Researchers have proposed a variety of analyses in generative grammar and the standard assumption is that Korean sluicing is derived out of(pseudo-)cleft. However, Kim (2015) poses challenges to the pseudo-cleft analysis, in that it faces empirical problems, both of which involve asymmetries between (pseudo-)clefts and sluicing. This indicates that (pseudo)-cleft cannot be the source of sluicing in Korean. In this paper I adopt Barros, Elliott, and Thoms’ (2014) evasion approach that makes non-isomorphic sources possible for the ellipsis site along with an isomorphic source. Under the evasion approach, PF deletion from the full-fledged structure is just one of the options available for sluicing. Sluicing can also be derived from other sources, such as short sources, (pseudo)-clefts, and predicational sentences. On the assumption that such non-isomorphic sources are all available as long as Question-under-Discussion is satisfied, I will argue that the challenges posed in the previous literature can be resolved.
A Prosody Analysis of the Comp-trace Effect
Seungwan Ha(하승완) 한국영어학학회 2010 영어학연구 Vol.16 No.2
In this paper, we propose a new analysis of the Comp-trace effect. We first review previous literature from various disciplines and pose challenges to them. Then, we argue that a slight revision of Kandybowicz’s (2006, 2009) approach captures the widest range of empirical data on Comp-trace effects, including Adverb effects, Intonation focus effects, Trace deletion effects, and complementizer-dependent mitigation effects. In addition to the Kandybowicz’s original prosodic condition which constrains the complementizer not to be adjacent to the trace within same prosodic boundary, we add another condition to resolve overgeneration problems, triggered by prosody patterns of whether. We note that Kandybowicz (2006, 2009) fails to account for the relative clause paradox. Adopting Kim’s (2008) analysis, we argue that nature of the paradox is not in the narrow syntax central, but in discourse functions: the overt realization of that depends on whether it introduces a clause to the addressee