진천 금한동의 천제와 축문

최종성 ( Jong Seong Choi ) 서울대학교 종교학연구회 2015 宗敎學硏究 Vol.33 No.-

This paper aims to understand the characteristics of the village ritual for heavenly deity in Geumhandong Jincheon through the analysis of its traditional written prayer. The prayer as text reflects primarily the relationship between deity and villagers. And the recitation of the prayer in ritual place functions as prayer acts which realize the relationship between the two. This is why I pay attention to the written prayer for village ritual. There is a debate about how to understand the ritual characteristics of Geumhandong``s village rite. Until recently, the controversy about whether mountain- river ritual or heavenly god ritual has not been solved. The very heart of the matter which caused the controversy is nothing less than the prayer text. In fact, Geumhandong``s prayer text has dual characteristics: ritual for mountain-river and ritual for heavenly deity. We can see clearly the mountain-river deity in opening part of the prayer text. The reader of pryer on the behalf of all villagers calls officially god``s name, mountain-river in the beginning. That is why most scholars looked upon Geumhandong``s ritual as a kind of ritual for mountain-river. But uncalled heavenly deity appears as a divine benefactor in the main body of the prayer text. In other words, it is just the heavenly deity who receives sacrificial offerings and listens to plea for assistance. Villagers call formally mountain-river deity at first. and then they petition only heavenly deity for blessing and protection. This incongruity between first and second part of the prayer text provoked the controversy about ritual characteristics of Geumhandong. But to villagers, theological consistency seems to be insignificant. Rather, it might be very important that they live in consistent order of daily life. We need to regard the matter as not an either/or, but instead a both/and approach. From this viewpoint, we can tackle the situational discordance of village rituals.

조선전기 종교혼합과 反혼합주의

최종성(Choi, Jong Seong) 한국종교학회 2007 宗敎硏究 Vol.47 No.-

무의 치료와 저주

최종성(Jong Seong Choi) 서울대학교 종교문제연구소 2001 종교와 문화 Vol.0 No.7

N/A

일제강점기의 의례 매뉴얼과 민속종교

최종성(Choi, Jong-Seong) 한국역사민속학회 2017 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.52

관혼상제를 다룬 의례 매뉴얼의 출간과 필사가 일제강점기에 범람을 이루었다. 그러한 의례 매뉴얼은 대개 의례준칙, 사례서, 축문집, 종교예식서, 일용예식서 등 5종으로 분류될 수 있다. 이런 5종의 의례 매뉴얼은 목표와 내용이 서로 달랐지만, 당대 일반인들의 일상적인 민속과 종교의 형성에 깊은 관련이 있다는 점에서 상통하는 면이 있다. 당시 의례 매뉴얼은 엘리트 지식인의 지적인 성과물이기보다는 전근대의 예서와 문집에서 폭넓게 발췌하고 시대적 변화에 맞춰 첨삭을 가하는 수준에서 편집 · 발간된 것이며, 근대 인쇄술의 원조로 특정 계층에 제한되지 않고 폭넓게 유통되었다. 의례 매뉴얼은 깊이보다는 넓이를 강조하고 체화보다는 참조를 중시하는 민속지식을 대량으로 보급시키고 확산시켰다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 의례 매뉴얼에 대한 질적인 분석 못지않게 중요한 것이 그것이 얼마나 일반인들에게 참조되었는지를 판단하는 양적 이해라 할 수 있다. 일제강점기 의례 매뉴얼의 이해를 통해 당대는 물론 이후 20세기 민속의례 및 민속종교의 방향과 특질을 읽어내는 통로가 마련되길 기대한다. Many kinds of ritual manual books for the four ceremonies (coming-of-age, wedding, funeral, and ancestral rites) were published and transcribed during the Japanese Colonial Period. The ritual manuals are classified by 5 different types: ‘ritual standards’, ‘ritual books for the four ceremonies’, ‘ritual books for the written prayers’, ‘religious ceremonial books’, and ‘general manners books’. All of them contributed much to the formation of folk rituals and religions, even though the purpose and contents of each book were different. The ritual manuals were not intellectual results of elites, but rather compilations of pre-modern ritual books and contemporary manners. These were widely spread among the people with the help of modern printing techniques. The ritual manuals aimed at common readers who wanted to look for ritual references easily. They were not just made for the special upper class. We can understand the contexts and characteristics of folk ritual and religion of the 20<SUP>th</SUP> century by comprehending the ritual manuals of the Japanese Colonial Rule.

논문 : 시천주 사상: 동학의 신학과 인간학

최종성 ( Jong Seong Choi ) 서울대학교 종교학연구회 2004 宗敎學硏究 Vol.23 No.-

감악산의 민속종교

최종성 ( Choi Jong Seong ) 서울대학교 종교문제연구소 2016 종교와 문화 Vol.0 No.31

This article aims to understand the folk religion of Gamak mountain as a sacred place based on historical texts and field survey data. Gamak mountain has been a ritualistic hub, which transcended era, class, and religious tradition: from ancient times to the present day, from royal family to common people, from institutional religion to noninstitutional belief. The religiosity of Gamak mountain was concentrated on Gamaksa shrine(紺岳祠), Seolingui shrine(薛仁貴堂), and the Gamak Monument(紺岳山碑), which were located at the top of the mountain. They were represented respectively as divine beings such as Gamak mountain god(紺岳山神), god of general Seolingui(薛仁貴將軍), and Bitdoldaewang(bitdol means monumental stone, daewang means great king). Gamak mountain god was enshrined in Gamaksa. The state official rituals for the mountains and rivers were regularly held in Gamaksa. Gamak mountain god was reputed for his ability to fulfill the wishes of precipitation and healing, so that many rituals of affliction were also irregularly held in Gamaksa. Moreover, despite being harshly criticized as an improper ritual(淫祀), the praying events of local populace were also ardently continued. Even though Gamaksa no longer exists today, the religious beliefs and rituals of Gamak mountain god still have devout followers in many Shamanic shrines at the foot of the Gamak mountain and in Sanshingak, the shrine of the mountain god in the Buddhist temple alongside the mountain. There was a shrine dedicated to general Seolingui next to Gamaksa shrine, which was located at the top of Gamak mountain. There was only one shrine originally. However, during the reign of King Sejong, another ritual place, Gamaksa was established to hold only state official Confucian rituals. Then Seolingui shrine was officially regarded as a shrine for improper ritual. Seolingui was a general in the Chinese Tang dynasty. Even though Seolingui was an enemy commander, local people identified him with the Gamak mountain god and accepted him enthusiastically as the true patron of Gamak area. Both Gamaksa and Seolingui shrine are gone today, and only the Gamak Monument remains. Although there is no historical evidence that proves the interrelationship between this Monument and Seolingui, the local people look upon the Monument as a memorial stone of Seolingui. Finally the Gamak Monument is recognized as a representation of general Seolingui. That is why Seolingui, who was equated with the Gamak mountain god, is called `Bitdoldaewang`, the great king of the monument. Gamak mountain god, general Seolingui, and Bitdoldaewang, which are almost identical in symbolic associative structure, continue to be worshipped coming down from the mountain top today.

조선 전기의 종교문화와 무속

최종성(Choi Jong-Seong) 한국무속학회 2006 한국무속학 Vol.0 No.11

한국 무속은 한국인의 간절한 종교경험을 담고 있는 종교문화이다. 종교문화의한 현상으로서 무속을 이해하기 위해서는 다른 종교문화와의 관계 혹은 전체 종교문화의 틀을 이해하는 것이 중요하다. 따라서 본고는 우선, 조선 전기의 종교문화 속에 처한 무속의 종교문화적 상황을 고려하기 위해 당시 지배종교였던 유교의 타종교에 대한 문화론을 점검한다. 유교는 이론적인 벽이단론과 제도적인 힘을 바탕으로 한음사론을 통해 타종교문화에 대한 反혼합주의적 태도를 견지하였다. 그중에서도 무속은 대중적인 의례문화를 비판의 대상으로 삼았던 음사론의 주된 대상이었다. 조선전기에 무속은 유교문화의 이상을 더럽히는 위험한 오염원으로 간주되었지만, 비상시에는 고대의 문화적 관성을 유지할 수 있는 권도의 문화론에 힘입어 별기은, 기우제, 치병 및 저주 등의 종교문화를 지속할 수 있었다. 그러나 16세기에 공식적인 국행기은이 종식된 채 외산천의 내행기은만이 은밀하게 지속되었고, 17세기에 폭무기우와 별기은식의 산천기우도 유교식의 종교문화로 대체되었으며, 18세기에 법제가 강화되면서 서울 내에서의 무속 치병과 저주술은 크게 위축되게 되었다. This article aims to understand the Musok’s religious culture in its relationship with Confucianism during the first half of the Chosun dynasty. In order to describe early Chosun Musok as a religious culture, we need to understand the religious background surrounding it. Accordingly a point to be considered first is the relationship between Confucianism and non-Confucianism(Buddhism, Taoism, Musok etc.). It is natural that there can be both syncretism and anti-syncretism between the two religions. But Confucianism laid great emphasis on anti-syncretism to protect the religious authenticity and purity. Confucianism built up cultural identity through exclusion non-Confucian cultures. Among Chosun Confucian, the notion of proper ritual(正祀) and improper ritual(淫祀) was a widely accepted idea functioning as a framework which helped them to differentiate Confucian culture from non-Confucian cultures, specifically Musok. Confucians aimed at enhancing the purity and ideals of Confucian culture by establishing the proper ritual and simultaneously endeavored to exclude Musok by classifying it cultural pollution sources and regualating the improper ritual. But in the first half of the Chosun dynasty, Confucianism accepted Musok in the event of a disaster, usually supported by an apologetics of a way of adapting to exigent circumstances(權道). Although Musok byogieun(別祈恩), rainmaking ritual(祈雨祭) and therapeutic /anti-therapeutic ritual were the target of Confucian criticism for being excessive and improper, they continued to serve an important function for nation or royal family and masses by seeking blessings and warding off misfortune. Confucianism could not substitute official Confucian ritual for Musok ritual. As a result, Musok ritual continued to exist as national rituals in the Confucian society until 17th century.

서계이선생가장결(西溪李先生家藏訣) 의 비결서사 및 비결어 연구 : 소두무족(小頭無足)과 혈하궁신(穴下弓身)을 중심으로

최종성 ( Choi Jong Seong ) 한국종교학연구회 2023 宗敎學硏究 Vol.41 No.-

This paper analyzes the narrative texts of Prediction Hidden in the House of Master Yi of Seogye (西溪李先生家藏訣) and attempts to understand the meaning and context of the secret prophetic terms of the book. First, Prediction Hidden in the House of Master Yi of Seogye is strongly apolitical in that it contains recommendations to ensure the simple lives of ordinary people in the face of the crisis of the historical transition rather than paying attention to the duration of the states, changes in the dynasties, and the replacement of the capitals seen in general Jeonggamnok literature. Second, Predictions Hidden in the House of Master Yi of Seogye is used as a keyword in the prophetic narratives, suggesting a famine as a disaster to come in the future. This is understood as the result of reflecting the historical misfortunes experienced in the year of Gyeongsul (庚戌, 1670) and Sinhae (辛亥, 1671) in the text. Third, Predictions Hidden in the House of Master Yi of Seogye presents Sodumujok (小頭無足) and Hyeolhagungsin (穴下弓身), which have opposite meanings, and idealizes symbolic words that imply farmland, fields and cows, etc. as spaces of good luck. This article identifies the meaning of the Sodumujok, which has been difficult to interpret so far, as a '㐫' character, and presents its academic evidence both literally and semantically.

생불과 무당

최종성(Jong Seong Choi) 한국종교학회 2012 宗敎硏究 Vol.68 No.-

The Polarization Between the Confucian and Shamanic Culture in the latter half of Chosun Dynasty

Choi, Jong-Seong(최종성) 한국종교학회 2004 宗敎硏究 Vol.34 No.-