Active Insolubilized Antibiotics Based on Cotton Xanthate-Zirconium Complex

Kim, Young-Mi,Lee, Kyung Jin,Jung, Yun Jin 부산대학교 신약개발연구소 1988 藥學硏究誌 Vol.22 No.1

약전품 gause를 알카리성에서 이황화 탄소와 반응시켜 xanthate group을 도입시킨후 zirconium용액과 반응시켜 cotton xanthate-zirconium complex를 만들었다. 상기 제품을 증류수로 충분히 세척하고 건조시킨후 tetracycline, streptomycin, neomycin, 또는 pyrithione염의 수용액과 충분히 반응시켰다. 약물과 처리한 제품은 인산 완충액(pH5.1), 식염수(0.5M) 및 증류수로 차례로 충분히 세척하고 aureus, Streptococcus faecalis, Gram 음성균인 Escherichia coli, Enterobacter aerogenes와 진균으로서는 Aspergillus niger를 사용하였다. Cotton xanthate-zirconium-antimicrobial agent complex는 모두 항미생물 작용을 나타내었다. 그러나 cotton xanthate-zirconium은 그 자체로서는 활성을 나타내지 않았다. 또한 cotton을 동일한 조작으로 zirconium 및 약물과 차례로 처리하고 세척 건조한 제품도 활성을 나타내지 않았다. 따라서 단순히 물리적으로 결합된 약물은 세척과정에서 제거되는 것으로 보이며 약물의 결합은 cotton표면에 도입된 xanthate group과 zirconium ion의 cotton xanthate-zirconium-antimicrobial agent complex를 형성하여 이루어 지는 것으로 생각된다. Cotton xanthate, which was prepared by reacting cotton with carbon disulfide in alkaline solution, was treated with a zirconium containing solution to form cotton xanthate-zirconium complex. The metal-bound cotton xanthate was treated with a solution of a salt of tetracycline, streptomycin, neomycin, or pyrithione to produce cotton xanthate-zirconium-antimicrobial agent complex. Antimicrobial activity of the products was tested against gram-positive Staphylococcus aureus, Streptococcus faecalis, and gram-negative Escherichia coli, Enterobacter aerogenes and the fungus Aspergillus niger, employing a modified ditch plate method. Coupling of antimicrobial agents is believed to take place by chelation with the zirconium ion which is already bound to the xanthate group on the surface of the cotton fabric to form cotton xanthate-antimicrobial agent complex. That the antimicrobial agents had complex with the cotton-xanthate-zirconium complex is that cotton xanthate-zirconium-antimicrobial agents exhibited antimicrobial activities whereas the cotton xanthate-zirconium complex itself was inactive.

壬辰戰爭과 靑布・藍布—明軍이 朝鮮에 가져 온 중국산 면포

임경준 한국중국학회 2022 중국학보 Vol.101 No.-

Blue cotton and navy cotton that were introduced into Joseon by the Ming army during the Imjin War are marked with various names in historical records. In this paper, the characteristics of each name were considered by type. The main contents are summarized as follows. First, blue cotton and navy cotton are distinguished from cotton. Second, Blue Navy cotton is not a specific item. Third, blue cotton and navy cotton refer to Chinese cotton cloth, while mokmyon refer to domestic cotton cloth. Fourth, blue cotton cloth and navy cotton cloth were also collectively referred to as samseongpo. However, exceptions exist and need to be careful. The reason why blue cotton and navy cotton flowed into Joseon can be found in the provisions transport problems of the Ming army. Due to the economic system of Joseon, which does not use silver, the Ming army was unable to procure military supplies.  Accordingly, the Ming army prepared a blue cotton cloth and proposed to purchase grain from Joseon. As Joseon accepted this, a large amount of blue cotton cloth was transported to Joseon. The name Cheongpo had a high product value not only in Ming china but also abroad. Above all, in Joseon society, where cotton cloth had a high exchange value, Chinese cotton cloth was a very suitable item for securing military supplies. As Chinese cotton was distributed in large quantities, more and more groups began to use it in Joseon. In this paper, Chinese cotton cloth was used in Joseon by type. It is noteworthy that the currencyization of Chinese cotton cloths progressed rapidly during the presence of the Ming army, and not only the Ming army but also Joseon was incorporated in this trend. On the other hand, contrary to previous studies that pointed out that blue and navy cotton were originally important for the use of military cotton, there were no records that produced armor with Chinese cotton during the Imjin War. The function and effect of armor made of Chinese cotton cloth were passed down through the Ming army at the end of the Imjin War, but this was not immediately commercialized. 임진전쟁 시기 명군에 의해 조선으로 유입된 靑布와 藍布는 사료상에서 다양한 명칭으로 표기되었다. 본고에서는 각각의 명칭이 가진 특징을 유형별로 고찰하였는데, 그 주요 내용은 (1) 靑布・藍布는 綿布와 구별되는데, 후자는 염색하지 않은 綿布인 白布로 추정된다, (2) 사료에 등장하는 ‘靑藍布’는 단일 품목이 아니라 ‘靑布’와 ‘藍布’를 한 데 묶어 표기한 한문식 어법에 지나지 않는다, (3) 靑布와 藍布는 중국산 고급 면포를 가리키는 반면, 靑木綿과 藍木綿은 국내산 면포를 가리킨다, (4) 靑布와 藍布는 포를 짜는 단위인 升을 따서 三升布로도 통칭되었으나 예외가 존재하므로 주의할 필요가 있다로 요약할 수 있다. 靑布와 藍布가 조선에 유입된 직접적 계기는 명군의 식량 수송 문제와 직결된다. 銀을 사용하지 않는 조선의 경제 체계로 인해 명군은 銀을 사용해서 군량이나 말먹이를 비롯한 군수물자를 조달하는데 곤란을 겪었다. 이에 따라 明軍의 군수를 책임지고 있던 遼東都司 張三畏는 靑布를 준비해 와서 조선 내에서 곡식을 구매하겠다는 제안을 하였고, 조선에서 이를 수락하면서 대량의 靑布・藍布가 조선에 운송되었다. 安徽省 蕪湖 일대에서 생산되던 靑布는 布綿甲을 제작하는 데 활용되었는데, 명 국내만이 아니라 해외에서도 높은 상품가치를 지니고 있었다. 무엇보다도 면포가 높은 교환가치를 가졌던 조선사회에서 靑布와 藍布는 군수물자를 확보하는 데 매우 적합한 물품이었다. 靑布와 藍布가 대량으로 유통되면서 조선에서도 이를 사용하는 집단이 늘어나기 시작했다. 본고에서는 조선에서 靑布와 藍布가 어떠한 용도로 쓰이고 있었는지를 (1) 포상 수단, (2) 화폐 용도, (3) 방한용 의복으로 나누어 실증적으로 규명하였다. 무엇보다도 明軍이 주둔하는 동안 靑布의 화폐화가 급속하게 진전되었고 이러한 추세에 明만이 아니라 조선 역시 편입되고 있었던 점은 특기할만하다. 반면 靑布와 藍布가 당초부터 군용 면포의 용도로 중시되었다는 선행연구의 지적과는 대조적으로 임진전쟁 시기에 靑布・藍布로 갑주를 제작하였던 기사는 찾아볼 수 없었다. 靑布・藍布로 제작한 갑주의 기능과 효과는 임진전쟁 말기에 명을 통하여 전해졌지만, 상용화에 이르기까지는 더 많은 시간이 필요하였다.

FROM COTTON KIMONOS TO THE JEANS INDUSTRY: THE DEVELOPMENT OF DENIM INDUSTRIAL CLUSTERS IN JAPAN

Rika Fujioka 글로벌지식마케팅경영학회 2017 Global Fashion Management Conference Vol.2017 No.07

This study examines how small weaving manufacturers in Japan managed to successfully transform their cotton kimono businesses during the phenomenon of the growing popularity of Western clothing in the 1970s, and develop within the Sanbi industrial cluster to become global leaders in the production of high-quality denim and jeans worldwide. Introduction Japanese denim companies are very small but remain competitive due to their quality, compared with Chinese, Mexican, and Turkish companies. Some of these Japanese companies have won the Premier Vision Fabrics Handle Prize, while others have created new denim fabrics, such as soft denim, for luxury brands. According to the data of the Office of Textile and Apparel (OTEXA), as a proportion of sales in 2015 the United States imported most of its blue denim fabric from Japan (28.9 percent), with China in second place (26.2 percent), and Mexico third (17.3 percent); in terms of volume, the United States imported blue denim fabric from China (36.3 percent), with Mexico in second place (24.8 percent), and Japan third (13.5 percent). How was it that Japanese denim companies developed to become such prominent leaders in the field? Most of these companies are clustered geographically, with jeans companies sitting side-by-side with dyeing, processing, and finishing factories. These clusters were originally set up for the production of Kasuri cotton kimono clusters, and only shifted into denim and jeans production in the 1970s. This study will shed light on the development process of the denim industry in Japan – focusing on the Sanbi district, the largest denim and jeans cluster – and will examine the success factors in the global market from a historical perspective using primary sources. The Westernization of Clothing One success factor is the social and culture background in Japan (Fujioka and Wubs, forthcoming). Before the Second World War most people in Japan – male and female, old and young – wore kimonos. A kimono is a traditional Japanese robe that is tied at the waist by a wide belt called an ‘obi’. It has no buttons, zippers, or any other kinds of fastening. The shape of the garment is very simple and it has little decoration. A kimono is made from many different types of fabric, including silk, cotton, wool, and linen. The type of fabric defined the kimono’s suitability for different occasions, such as a high-quality silk kimono for ceremonial events and a cotton one for casual wear. The type of fabric also reflected a person’s social position, until the Meiji Restoration in 1868. During this time only the Samurai class could wear silk kimonos, while other social classes wore cotton kimonos. After 1868 people had freedom of choice in clothing, meaning that anyone could wear silk kimonos for weddings and funerals. Although Western-style clothing had already been introduced to the upper classes by the Japanese government during the Meiji Restoration, after the Second World War, the Japanese lifestyle began to be westernized at an ever-faster pace, particularly in the area of clothing. Along with the high economic growth in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the kimono market shrank and Western fashion became a mass phenomenon in Japan. First came tailor-made clothes for upper-class and upper-middle-class customers; after this, clothing companies rapidly increased their sales, and ready-to-wear clothing soon became common among every generation and income group in the 1970s. Jeans were one example of the clothing that was introduced at this time, and a niche market formed of mainly young customers who lived in urban areas. These young consumers had first seen jeans being worn by Americans from the General Headquarters (GHQ) during the recovery period, and they soon began to identify jeans as a symbol of freedom and individuality. With the increasing demand for jeans, several jeans and denim companies were established in the 1970s to capture this niche market. Since then the denim and jeans market in Japan has developed to specialize in high-quality premium denim and jeans. The Sanbi Industrial Cluster The main factor in the success of the Japanese denim and jeans industry is the effective transformation of the whole cluster. Cotton kimonos have a variety of styles based on various dyeing and weaving methods. The ‘Kasuri’ kimono, for example, is a type of cotton kimono that is dyed with indigo, requiring great skill in dyeing and weaving; as a result, it can be very expensive, although this type of cotton kimono is still regarded as casual, everyday clothing. There were three main industrial clusters for Kasuri kimonos in Japan, namely Kurume, Iyo, and Bingo, which had been established in around 1800. Among these, Bingo became the largest cluster and produced more mass products than the others in the 1960s. While Kurume and Iyo were striving to innovate a new Kasuri fabric and shifted to the high-end market to cover the decreasing demands of kimonos, the Bingo cluster created mass products more efficiently than before. It continued to increase its sales until 1960 with the improvement of technology, although in the 1970s sales began to decrease rapidly with the huge growth in demand for Western clothing (Shinichi Choshi Hensan Iinkai, 2002). Many manufacturers therefore suffered from the introduction of the new Western clothing. Some silk kimono manufacturers were able to shift their focus to the high-end market for ceremonial occasions due to their special place in Japanese society (Hashino, 2015). However, many cotton kimono manufacturers, particularly those in the Bingo cluster who focused on mass customers, were unable to do so, because of the shrinking casual kimono market. This industrial cluster was therefore forced by changing consumer demands to transform the whole nature of its business from the production of traditional cotton Kasuri kimonos to a brand new industry. The neighboring clusters of Bingo are Bizen and Bicchu, which were also cotton kimono clusters that used Kasuri fabric. Some manufacturers in Bizen who made kimono accessories started to produce ‘tabi’ (Japanese-style socks) in 1877 and then began sewing Western-style work clothes in the 1910s. In the 1920s many manufactures in the Bizen cluster started to produce Western-style school uniforms, which became increasingly popular (Fujii et al., 2007). This was a natural transition in terms of finding different uses for the same relevant technology: from the production of cotton fabric to tabi, and from tabi to school uniforms. All these products were made for daily use, and the same cutting and sewing skills for thick textiles that were used to make tabi were directly transferable to the production of work uniforms and school uniforms; by 1937 the Bizen cluster had become the largest producer of school uniforms in Japan. However, between 1965 and 1970 the demand for school uniforms fell, because the early generation of baby boomers had passed through school, and competition within each cluster became more intensive with the emergence of newcomers. In order to manage the distribution channel and build a stable production system, large cotton-spinning companies controlled the weaving mills and sewing factories and organized retailers to maintain retail prices. This was a well-known form of management in Japan at the time called ‘Keiretsu’. As a result, those manufacturers who were not working in partnership with any large spinning manufacturers found it very difficult to secure orders, and were eventually pushed out of the industry and forced to change the nature of their business. One of these small manufacturers in Bizen was called Big John, which had been established in 1940 to produce school uniforms. After transforming its business, it started to sew the first ‘made in Japan’ jeans using imported American denim in 1967, and later using Japanese denim in 1972 (Sugiyama, 2009). Its great success encouraged many of its surrounding manufacturers to join this emerging field, which resulted in the establishment of a whole new denim and jeans industry that spread across Bizen, Bingo, and Bicchu to the point where these three districts became collectively known as ‘Sanbi’ in Japanese. The Successful Transformation of Industrial Clusters New technology for producing denim and jeans was brought to Japan from the United States. Many denim companies started out as producers of Kasuri fabric and shifted to denim production in the 1960s and 1970s, using their existing skills and technology to make this transition. Although it was a natural path to take considering the change in consumer demand and the fact that both Kasuri fabric and jeans were dyed by indigo, there were many challenges involved in adapting to this change. Rope dyeing was the biggest hurdle that these manufacturers had to face, but they managed to learn the technique by reverse engineering American-made jeans and relying on their skills in indigo dyeing and sewing thick textiles. Making a success of this transition from a cotton kimono cluster into a denim and jeans cluster was the only way that these businesses could survive the huge growth in popularity of Western clothing in Japan. This whole transformational process was led by small, lesser-known manufacturers rather than by larger ones. As one of the major businesses in the Kasuri cluster in Japan, Bingo catered for the mass market, but was hardest hit by the introduction of Western clothing, as it was more difficult for its business model to adjust to westernization. Bizen, however, managed to shift to the production of Western clothing at an early stage, focusing on uniforms – and it was the dropout factories from the uniform industry that eventually became the driving force behind the emergence of the jeans industry. The resulting success of the Japanese denim business model then spread out across the cluster, which today enjoys an enhanced competitive advantage in the global market.

Impact of different levels of non-Bt cotton refuges on pest populations, bollworm damage, and Bt cotton production

G.T. Gujar,V. Kalia,G.K. Bunker,S. Dhurua 한국응용곤충학회 2010 Journal of Asia-Pacific Entomology Vol.13 No.4

The impact of structured strip row refugia (varying from 10% to 50%) in the Bt cotton crops JKCH1947Bt (producing one toxin, Cry1Ac) and MRC7017BGII (producing two toxins, Cry1Ac and Cry2Ab) on the pest complex and cotton yield was studied. During the cropping season (June 2008 to November 2008), sucking pest incidence was negligible. However, the incidences of spotted bollworm, Earias vittella, and the leafroller,Sylepta derogata, were high on the non-Bt cotton. The total cotton seed yield of the Bt crop plus the refuge decreased proportionately with respect to the increase in proportion of non-Bt cotton. Total cotton production decreased significantly when 40% non-Bt cotton was planted as refuge. These studies showed that a refuge of up to 30% non-Bt cotton in JKCH1947Bt and up to 20% non-Bt cotton in MRC7017Bt did not affect total seed cotton yield compared to 100% Bt cotton.

논문(論文) : 『포경(布經)』을 통해 보는 청대(淸代) 강남(江南)의 면포상점(棉布商店)

민경준 ( Kyong Joon Min ) 중국사학회 2014 中國史硏究 Vol.91 No.-

Bujing(『布經』) is a kind of business management guidebook which was left behind by cotton cloth shops called zihao(字號) in Jiangnan region during Q’ing dynasty period. This book fully contains a series of quality standards for purchasing raw cottons and getting back processed cotton cloths. Among the three remaining kinds, two were handed down by cotton cloths shops located in the Market-town(市鎭), such as Nanxiang-zhen(南翔鎭) and Xiasha-zhen(下沙鎭), not in big cities. Bujing is worthy of notice because it is concerned with Market-towns which is a key to understand the social and economic development of early modern China. The implications of Bujing are as follows: while merchantable quality of cotton cloths was depended upon weaving skills in the past, now it is influenced by processing processes-such as dyeing(染布) and ironing(團布)-as well. The development of processing skills has improved merchantable quality of low grade cotton cloths including cottons woven during winter and summer season(冬布, 夏布), cottons woven from wooden thread(木정紗), and cottons woven from unstarching and unbrushing thread(漿紗布). Thanks to this tendency, manufacturing cotton cloths in Market-town became one of major industry despite its low weaving level. It continually led to develop Market-town during Q’ing dynasty period. Moreover, cotton industry of Jiangnan functioned as a kind of weapon for competing with that of other regions which was growing at that moment. The change of cotton industry also had influence on management of cotton cloths shops in two ways. First, dealers in cottons cast doubt on the traditional quality standards and attempted to modify it. Second, they made efforts to find their way into market, keeping track of consumer’ behavior. This trend is closely tied with cotton cloths shops of Market-town which could commercialize cotton cloths by the use of processing skills. When the cotton industry of Jingnan reached this stage, major shop assistants, including managers of quality test, ought to learn in depth abilities for judging raw cottons as well as manufacturing technique and judging standards for dyed cottons and ironed cottons. As a business management guidebook for performing these obligations, Bujing was published, transcribed, and transmitted.

광역 문화자원의 수집과 기록 : 아시아 목화문화자원을 중심으로

노시훈 한국기록학회 2011 기록학연구 Vol.0 No.28

In Asia, when cotton and cotton fabrics cultivated and produced in India of Southern Asia had spread to the whole Asia area by land and by sea, the Cotton Road and cotton fabric cultural area could be formed. In Korea, the traditional cotton (Gossypium arboreum) brought by Moon Ik-Jeom in 1363 was cultivated and then the Upland cotton (Gossypium hirsutum) brought via Japan could be produced from 1904. Especially, Gwangju/Jeonnam was the most active place in producing traditional cotton, and eventually became the center of cotton cultivation and fabric production after bringing in Upland cotton. In order to collect and record the cotton cultural resources in the broad area, the Cultural Resources Set, classified its component parts should be made first and then the collecting objects should be investigated. The collecting areas are selected based on the spreading paths and the regional significance of cotton. Since its difficulty of collecting the relevant resources from all of the places in Asia, it should be planned to share the resources through exchanges and cooperation among private, institution and organization. The relevant experts from the various fields should participate in the interdisciplinary researches which are necessary for collecting and recording of wide area cultural resources. Considering the collecting limitation of genuine relics, the digital archives should be established and then offered through a web site that everyone can use them freely by remote. It also needs to plan to display on and off-line for users to perceive the similarity, difference and interconnections of the resources with ease. 아시아에서는 기원전부터 남아시아의 인도에서 재배·생산한 목화와 면직물이 아시아 전 권역으로 육로와 해로를 통해 전파됨으로써 목화길과 면문화권이 형성되었다. 우리나라에서는 1363년 문익점이 중국에서 들여온 재래면을 재배하다가 1904년부터 일본을 통해 들어온 육지면을 재배하였다. 특히 광주·전남은 조선시대까지 재래면 생산이 가장 활발한 지역이었고, 육지면 도입 후에는 목화 재배와 면직물 생산의 중심지였다. 이처럼 넓은 지역을 대상으로 목화문화자원을 수집·기록하기 위해서는 먼저 그 구성 요소들을 분류한 문화자원세트를 만들고 그에 따라 수집할 객체를 조사한다. 수집 대상 지역은 전파 경로와 목화에 관해 지역이 갖는 의미를 토대로 선정한다. 아시아 전체에서 관련 자원을 직접 수집하기 어려우므로 자료를 소장하고 있는 개인·기관·단체와의 교류·협력을 통해 자원을 공유하는 방안을 마련해야 한다. 광역 문화자원의 수집·기록에 필요한 학제간 연구를 위해 다양한 분야의 관련 전문가를 적극 활용하여야 한다. 실제 유물 수집의 한계를 고려하여 디지털 형태의 자료를 위주로 아카이브를 구축하고 이를 누구나 원격으로 향유·활용할 수 있도록 웹을 통해 제공하여야 한다. 사용자가 자원들의 유사와 차이, 상호간의 맥락을 이해할 수 있도록 온·오프라인에서 비교 전시하는 방법을 마련하여야 한다.

진도 지역 면화(綿花) 관련 민속의 사회 문화적 맥락 고찰

이옥희 남도민속학회 2015 남도민속연구 Vol.30 No.-

This paper examined which socio-cultural factors influence disappearance of cotton in rural areas of South Korea targeting Jindo in South Jeolla. In addition, paying attention to the fact that cottons are gone but cotton folk is passed down, This considers the unique cotton culture in Korea which reflects social and cultural characteristics of Korea. The history of cotton in Jindo means the history of cotton in Korea. a history of progress is the history of cotton South Korea soon. Since the period of Yeong-jo the Great, the cotton in Jindo is the farm produce that makes most profits to local residents of Jindo. Jindo is the region in which the most high-quality cotton is cultivated due to the climate and soil suitable for cultivation of cotton. After the period of Japanese colonial rule, the cultivar of that cotton changes from a traditional cotton to a land cotton and cotton became target of exploitation and motive of resistance. Cotton cultivation was encouraged again after liberation. But since cotton has became to be included in the American economic aid items, cotton farmers lost their sales routes and competitive prices and stopped cotton farming. The cotton-related folklore is conveyed to Jindo which was cotton's native place. That is included in the lyrics and background of the folk song that has been passed down in Jindo including rites of passage relating birth, marriage and death. 진도의 면화 역사는 한국 면화 역사의 보편성과 지역적 특수성을 동시에 보여준다. 진도의 면화가 걸어온 발자취는 한국의 면화가 걸어온 발자취의 연장선상에 있다. 문익점이 목면을 들여온 이래로 의복과 침구를 담당했고 수익을 내는 농작물로 꾸준히 민중들의 삶과 함께 해왔다. 1900년대 초에 일본에 의해 육지면이 도입된 후로는 생산량은 늘었지만 일제의 경제적 군사적 수탈 대상이 되었다가 해방 이후에 미국에서 면을 수입한 이후로 농촌에서 퇴장하게 되었다. 진도에서 전승되는 면화 관련 민속 또한 한국의 보편적인 면화 민속과 중첩된다. 면화 씨앗과 무명실이 수명과 장수를 상징하는 문화적 상관물이라는 것, 면화 재배와 가공에 관한 민요가 존재하는 것, 씻김굿에서 무명베가 고풀이와 길닦음의 의례를 담당하는 것은 여러 지역이 공유하고 있는 민속이다. 하지만 지역의 사회 문화적 맥락 속에서 면화는 독자적인 양상을 보이기도 한다. 진도 지역은 우리나라에서도 가장 질 높은 면화가 생산된 곳으로 인정받았고, ‘면화의 진도’라 불릴 만큼 면화 재배가 성행했던 곳이며 일제강점기에는 면화의 재배와 유통에 강제적으로 개입하는 일제에 맞서는 모습을 보여주기도 했던 곳이다. 면화 관련 민속에서 혼례의 절차에서 확인되는 ‘이불팔기’와 상례의 절차에서 지금까지도 전승되고 있는 ‘여성 호상꾼들의 질베 끌기’는 진도의 독자적인 민속이다. 진도는 서해와 남해와 교차하는 지점에 위치한 섬으로서 면화에 적합한 생태지리적 조건을 보유한 지역이다. ‘면화 농사’와 ‘솜’을 다루는 능력이 뛰어난 풍부한 여성 노동력을 보유한 진도의 인문환경 또한 진도의 면화가 최상품으로 인정받는 계기로 작용했다. 면화 솜은 진도 사람들에게는 매우 익숙한 물품이자 현물 가치를 가지는 물품이었기 때문에 다른 지역에 비해 ‘이불팔기’ 민속이 더욱 특화된 상태로 자리잡게 되었다. 여성호상꾼들이 상여 앞에서 질베를 끄는 풍속은 진도 사람들의 예술적 창조능력, 여성들의 역할이 강조되는 섬문화적 특성, 상부상조의 전통이 깊은 진도 사람들의 특성이 결합되어 구축된 융합민속이라고 할 수 있다.

생태계의 차이로 본 동아시아 면직물 비교

朴仙姬(Park Sun-Hee) 비교민속학회 2010 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.41

고대 한국에서는 매우 일찍부터 야생의 초면으로 짠 면직물을 생산했다. 고구려에서는 고급면직물인 백첩포를 생산했고 신라에서는 백첩포와 목화와 누에 실의 합사직물인 면주포를 생산했다. 이어서 고려도 백첩포와 면주포를 생산했다. 목화는 크게 아프리카종과 인도종 두 가지로 나누어진다. 야생의 초면 즉 아프리카종은 지금의 신강자치구 지역에 위치한 고장에서 백첩이란 이름으로 길러졌다. 중국은 서한시기 고조선과 서역, 인도 등과 교역하면서 면직물을 알게 되었다. 인도면은 후한 때 고온다습한 중국의 남부에서 재배되다가 당대에 와서 중국에 보급되기 시작했다. 이처럼 지역에 따라 다른 면 종자를 재배한 것은 환경 요인과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 종자 번식에서 가장 중요한 환경 요인은 기후와 토양, 생물학적 요소이다. 그 가운데 유전과 기후요인이 농작물의 발육과 결실에 가장 크게 작용한다. 초면인 백첩은 한국과 신강, 감숙성 등 북위 35~45도에 위치한 한랭한 대륙성 기후에서 자란다. 이는 한랭한 기후의 일장과 온도가 초면종자의 개화와 결실에 알맞기 때문이다. 기후와 토질 등 자연생태계에 따라 면의 품종이 제각기 다르지만, 같은 품종의 면이라도 오래 재배하는 동안 생태계의 영향을 받아 일정한 형질 변이를 일으킨다. 생태계에 따른 품종 변이는 면사와 면직품의 품질 변이에도 영향을 미치게 된다. 따라서 같은 품종의 목면이라고 하여 같은 품질의 면직물이 생산되는 것은 아니다. 나라마다 다른 생태계의 차이에 따라 다른 품질의 면직물과 복식문화를 창출하게 된다. Cotton fabrics woven out of wild cotton plants were produced in the early years in ancient Korea. Towards the end of Goryeo, the cotton plants started ro disappear as Moon Ik Jeom brought Indian cotton plants from Yuan. Therefore people see it as the first domestic cotton mill was operated since Moon Ik Jeom through the cultivation of first Indian cotton. Using this as the fact, it is wrong to understand how our country was introduced to cotton and started cultivating it since. As a matter of fact, in Goguryeo, high quality cotton fabric called Baekcheoppo(白疊布) was produced and in Shilla, they not only produced Baekcheoppo but cotton plant and Myeonjupo(綿紬布) which is double yarned textile from the cocoon. Subsequently, Goryeo produced Baekcheoppo along with Myeonjupo. Cotton plants can be divided into 2 major categories; African and Indian. Wild cotton hence the African cotton, is currently being cultivated in GoChang, located in Xinggang autonomous district under the name Baekcheop. During me Western Han era in China, they first got to know about cotton fabric while trading with Western China, Indian and Old Jeosun etc. Indian cotton was cultivated in the southern regions of China which had high temperature and humidity during the Later Han dynasty. Later on during the Tang dynasty they started to supply to Waseo China. Thus cultivating different cotton seeds in different areas have a close relation with the environment. The most important environmental factors when breeding ate climate, soil and biological factors. Among these factors, tor the crop grow and beat the fruit, genetics and climate plays the biggest role. Cotton fabric Baekcheop grows in cold continental climate 35~45 degrees northern in Korea, Gansusheng and Xinggang etc. It is because the day's length and temperature in this cold temperature is best suited for the seeds flowering and fruit-beating. Due to natural ecosystems such as the temperature and the soil etc, the cotton's type can be different, however even if it is the same type of cotton, during its long cultivation period, with the influence of the natural ecosystem there will be constant change in the characteristics. It is because when specific cotton seeds ate spread to a different area or country, due to the different ecosystem, a constant change will occur to the seed. The variation of the seed caused by the ecosystem will eventually affect the quality of the cotton yarn and cotton based product. Therefore, even though it is the same type of cotton plant, it doesn't mean the cotton fabric produced will have the same quality. 'With different ecosystems in respective count ties, different quality cotton fabric and fashion cultures ate created.

Identification of microRNAs involved in drought stress responses in early-maturing cotton by high-throughput sequencing

Zhanghui Dong,Jianhong Zhang,Qingzhu Zhu,Lifen Zhao,Shuxiang Sui,Zengshu Li,Yanli Zhang,Hu Wang,Dongliang Tian,Yankun Zhao 한국유전학회 2018 Genes & Genomics Vol.40 No.3

Drought stress is one of the most important abiotic stresses. Cotton is classified as drought tolerant crop but the regulatory mechanism is unknown. MicroRNAs (miRNAs) have been implicated important roles in stress responses in many plants. However, the study of miRNAs in cotton responsive to drought stress is limited, especially in early-maturing cotton. In this study, we performed deep sequencing of small RNAs to identify known and novel miRNAs involved in the regulation of drought stress and understand the expression profile of miRNAs in early-maturing cotton. Three cotton small RNA libraries: non-stressed Shizao1 (early-maturing cotton variety) library (NSS), drought-stressed Shizao1 library (DSS) and non-stressed Jimian958 (medium-maturing cotton variety) library (NSJ) were constructed for deep sequencing. As a result, we identified a total of 64 known and 67 novel miRNAs in the 3 libraries and 88 of them were dramatically differentially expressed (greater than twofold) during drought stress. In addition, we found the expression of 41 miRNAs increased or reduced more than twofold in early-maturing cotton variety compared with that in medium-maturing cotton variety. Our results significantly increased the number of miRNAs in cotton and revealed for the first time the expression profile of miRNAs for early-maturing cotton.

연구논문(硏究論文) : 1920-1930년대 일제(日帝)의 면업정책과 목표 조면업 -카르텔(Cartel) 활동을 중심으로-

정안기 ( An Ki Joung ) 경제사학회 2010 經濟史學 Vol.49 No.-

본 연구는 1920-1930년대 조선산 면화의 최대 이출항이었던 木浦港을 중심으로 産業集積을 형성했던 목포 조면업의 카르텔 활동과 식민정부의 산업정책을 다루었다. 즉, 1921년 말 일본인 조면 3사가 전남산 共販棉花의 공동구매를 목적으로 결성한 `南鮮棉花購買組合`과 이에 대항해서 당시 域內 지역상권을 형성하였던 면화중개상의 반발로 촉발된 `전남의 면화문제` 발생배경과 전개추이 및 그 해결과정이다. 종래의 통설은 식민지기 조선 면작의 확대와 위축이 조선총독부의 위로부터 강제와 이에 대응하는 면작농민의 끈질긴 저항의 결과였고, 면화유통을 담당하였던 조면업자도 단지 조선총독부의 강권에 지지되는 棉花收奪의 代行者 혹은 경영의 被動體에 불과했다는 것이었다. 그러나 본 연구의 결과 조면업자는 변화하는 시장과 제도적 환경에 대응하는 경영활동의 능동체였고, 식민정부의 정책도 결코 일본인 대규모 조면업자만의 이해를 지지하는 것도 아니었다. 식민정부의 정책 목표는 세계 원면시장에서 형성되는 가격적 유인을 어떻게 하면, 조면 업자는 물론이고 면작농민에게 합리적으로 배분할 것인가에 있었다. This study pays attention to cartel activities in Mokpo`s cotton ginning industry during the 1920-1930s in which an industrial cluster was formed around the Port of Mokpo, the largest exporting port of Korean cotton at the time. At the end of 1921, when three large cotton ginning companies organized the Manseon Cotton Purchasing Association for joint purchase of raw cotton in South Jeolla Province, the so-called "cotton problem" was precipitated by the opposition of cotton brokers. The emphasis of the study is on the background and development of the cotton problem and the overall process through which the problem was solved. The present study addresses the issue of Mokpo`s cotton ginning industry from a critical point of view on the conventional arguments that the expansion or contraction of Korea`s cotton culture during the colonial period resulted from a forced top-down control and cotton-growing farmers persistent resistance to such control, and that Japanese cotton ginners who were then responsible for the distribution of Korean-produced cotton were just agents for cotton plundering, relying on the power of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The results indicate that those cotton ginners were actually active management participants who coped with the marketplace and institutional mechanisms rather than passive agents or followers who participated in cotton plundering, relying on the dominance of Japan in Korea.