Comparative Advantage, Complementarity, Market Diversification and Trade Instability : A Case Study of Pakistan

Chaudhary, M. Aslam,Saleem, Mohammad 세종대학교 국제경제연구소 2001 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.16 No.4

In this paper pattern of Packistan's exports, comparative advantage of exports, Complementarity and commodity concentration of exports and export instability of Pakistan are analyzed. The mismatch between Pakistan's exports and world import is also identified. Different indices have been utilized to draw empirical evidences, such as comparative advantage index, commodity concentration index, and export instability index and Complementarity index etc. The results of the study indicated that, from 1972 to 1998, the growth rate of Pakistan's exports has increased, despite the wide variation in growth rates of demand for exports, across the trading member states. Packistan is one of those countries of the South Asia whose exports grew faster than other i.e. south asian association for Regional Cooperation Countries (SAARC)ㆍㆍ. However, compared with Japan and south Korea, Pakistan's exports have grown at a much slower pace. The results of Complementary Index suggests that Pakistan's exports are not closely linked to the dominant trading partners imports. The result of commodity concentration index indicates that Pakistan's exports consist upon few products, concentrated in few markets. It is also noted that during the early period of liberalization (1972-1982), commodity concretion increased, while it started to decline during the period of (1983-92), and continued to decline during the recent economic reform period(1993-89). The result of comparative advantage index shows mixed results. Only the minor exports group, i.e. carpets and rugs, has enjoyed comparative advantage, while major exports like textile and leather group did not experience comparative advantage. It was clear that all these product categories are losing competitive strength in the world market. If the same trends continue it is likely that Pakistan's exports will face serious problems in the new emerging world of globalization and free trade. The export Instability Index indicates that Pakistan's exports exhibits instability. Over time, export instability has increased for Pakistan while the same has shown decreasing trend for the rest of the world. Thus, the export performance of Pakistan is not consistent with the rest of the world. To overcome the above-mentioned problems, there is a need to follow aggressive trade policies, focused to decrease commodity concentration, increase in the number of exports, diversification of exports and markets and specialize in exports to improve upon comparative advantage. Besides, fluctuations in exports must be brought under control for smooth and stable flow of foreign exchange earnings. All the above requires drastic changes in the trade policy. Targeted trade policy to achieve the above could lead to bear fruitful results. It requires drastic changes in the trage policy. Targeted trade policy to achieve the above could lead to bear fruitful results.

중국-파키스탄 경제회랑과 남아시아 권력구도의 변화 전망: 네트워크 권력이론에 기초한 분석

도파 ( Tu Bo ),원동욱 ( Won Dong Wook ) 현대중국학회 2017 現代中國硏究 Vol.18 No.4

1990년 이후 남아시아는 중요한 지리적 위치와 지속적인 경제성장, 인도의 부상과 인도-파키스탄 핵실험 및 아프간 반테러전쟁 등으로 인해 국제사회의 주목을 받아왔다. 특히 미중 양국은 역내 국가들에 대한 전략적 영향력을 매우 중시해왔다. 미국은 빈 라덴 사살 이후 인도-파키스탄 관계에서 양국 모두를 중시하던 중립적 입장에서 선회하여 파키스탄보다 인도에 치중하는 변화를 취했다. 아울러 아시아지역에서 중국의 부상을 억제하고 세력균형을 유지하기 위해 `신실크로드 계획`과 `아시아재균형전략` 등 일련의 전략적 조치를 취해 왔다. 한편 중국은 이에 대응하여 `일대일로` 전략을 제시하였으며, 남아시아에서 중국-파키스탄 경제회랑 구축을 추진함으로써 파키스탄과의 전면적 협력을 강화하려는 조치를 취하였다. 본 논문은 네트워크 권력이론을 통해 중국-파키스탄 경제회랑이 남아시아 권력구도에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석하였으며, 이를 통해 다음과 같은 결론을 도출하였다. 첫째, 중국은 중국-파키스탄 경제회랑을 통해 파키스탄과 연합하여 남아시아 지역의 핵심세력이 되고자 한다. 이에 비해 파키스탄 및 남아시아 지역에 대한 미국의 영향력은 약화되고 있다. 둘째, 파키스탄은 중국-파키스탄 경제회랑을 통해 새로운 성장의 기회를 엿볼뿐 아니라, 위치권력을 활용하여 남아시아지역에서의 자신의 영향력을 제고하려 한다. 반면 인도는 남아시아 역내에서의 전통적 패권을 유지하고자 하며 이에 대한 경계심을 드러내고 있다. 마지막으로 중국-파키스탄경제회랑이 건설되면서 남아시아에서는 인도가 그간 미국의 지원 아래 유지하던 남아시아에 대한 지배적 지위를 잃어가고 있다. 중국이 지원하는 파키스탄과 미국이 지원하는 인도, 이 양대 세력 간 상호견제와 균형이 이뤄지는 국면이다. 향후 이러한 남아시아지역의 권력게임은 더욱 치열하게 전개될 전망이다. After 1990s, South Asia has been attached importance by international main countries, especially America and China, since it has not only important geographic location, sustainable economic growth and India`s rise, but also main issues such as India-Pakistan nuclear tests, Afghanistan anti-terrorism wars etc. As Bin Laden was killed, America adjusted its relations on India-Pakistan from “balancing between India and Pakistan” into “approaching India and alienating Pakistan”, also proposed “rebalancing policy in Asia” and “the new silk road project” in order to pin down China. China correspondingly promoted “the belt and road initiative” and planned “China-Pakistan economic Corridor” in South Asia to strengthen cooperation with Pakistan. This paper has used “network power theory” to analyze the China-Pakistan economic corridor`s influence on South Asia`s power structure and the result is as follows: First, China has united Pakistan to form another big power in South Asia through this corridor, which made America lose control of Pakistan. Second, Pakistan has not only gained a good chance for developing, but also raised its power in South Asia, India has to consider Pakistan while execute its hegemony power. Third, China-Pakistan economic corridor might break India(supported by America)`s only local big power, South Asia will receive a power balancing between India and Pakistan(supported by China), and this area`s power game might become more fierce.

India-Pakistan Conflict facing the Construction of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor

Ding Jianjun,Wen Sainan 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.5 No.3

The risk factors facing the construction of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor need to pay special attention to the opposition and conflict between India and Pakistan. In the conflict, India and Pakistan led the problem to the construction of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which made the corridor construction bear an undue burden. India has a relatively negative attitude towards corridor construction. The deep-seated reason is that India regards China as a competitor based on its big country strategy, which may cause geopolitical worries about China and China-Pakistan economic corridor construction. Pakistan is a relatively weak party in India-Pakistan competition, and it is more inclined to use corridor construction to enhance its strength against India. China emphasizes that the corridor construction will bring benefits to Pakistan’s economy and people’s livelihood, while we cannot ignore the hostile relationship between India and Pakistan to some extent, and we should strive to build a benign interaction and multilateral win-win tripartite relationship among China, India and Pakistan.

Religious Administration Departments, Mode, System and Characteristics in Pakistan

Zhao Ting 아시아사회과학학회 2020 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.1 No.2

As an Islamic country, Pakistan’s political system, national governance and social life are greatly influenced by Islam. Islam is even considered to be the only source of legitimacy for the governance of the state, social life, and the making of laws and regulations. In recent years, with the successful implementation of One Belt and One Road Initiative, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor as a part of the Initiative has made great progress. However, due to the uneven distribution of interests within Pakistan, religious conflicts and the intervention of foreign forces, extremist organizations and anti-China organizations in Pakistan have colluded with external forces and set off a strong anti-China wave for many times. These organizations not only smear China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, but also discredit China’s ethnic and religious policy in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. In order to timely learn about the change of the religious groups in Pakistan and the Pakistani government, religion and ordinary people’s perception and attitude towards China and safeguard the security of China’s western region and the construction of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, it is necessary to improve the study of Pakistan’s religious belief condition and administration mechanism. The purpose of this article is to sort out the religious administration department, administration mode and administration system in detail in Pakistan, and analyze the characteristics of religious administration in Pakistan, so as to strengthen the understanding of the relevant situation of religious administration in Pakistan. On the basis of mutual understanding, China will enhance exchanges and cooperation with Pakistan’s religious administrative departments and religious social organizations, reduce religious cognitive differences and misunderstandings, and provide theoretical support to jointly fight against religious extremism.

How Should China and Pakistan Respond to the Criticism of CPEC?

Tu Huazhong 아시아사회과학학회 2021 Jornal of Asia Social Science Vol.3 No.1

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Pakistan in 1947, it has gone through 74 years. China and Pakistan are regarded as models of state-to-state relations between countries with different political systems. After the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was launched in May 2013, it opened a new door for the development of China and Pakistan and contributed to the friendly development of China-Pakistan relations. however, some groups such as jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz, Pakistan Taliban and baloch Republic party began to put China as the most antagonistic target, which cast a shadow over China-Pakistan relations. This paper holds that China should consider Pakistan’s interests from Pakistan’s point of view and make contributions to the friendly development of China- Pakistan relations.

Populist Terrorist Activities and their Impact in Pakistan

Bo Tu,Bingfeng Fu,Yunsong Zhou,Daitong Liang 한국정치사회연구소 2020 한국과 국제사회 Vol.4 No.1

In Pakistan, there are various types of populist organizations, among which some extreme populist organizations such as those in Baluchistan, Sindh, Gilgit and other regions have become extreme and taken on a certain terrorist nature because of Pakistan s history and politics as well as the long tradition of Pakistan s domestic terrorism. These extremist populist organizations have not only posed a threat to Pakistan s national security and development, but also hindered the strengthening of both China-Pakistan bilateral relations and the cooperation around the Belt and Road Initiative. The specific organizational structure of these extreme populist groups and the impact of their terrorist activities on both Pakistan and the rest of the world deserve attention in the academic community. By adopting a literature review approach, in this paper, Pakistan’s domestic populist organizations are sorted reasonably, the structure of extreme populist organizations is clarified accordingly, and the influence of their terrorist activities is noted emphatically. The conclusion drawn is that Pakistan’s domestic extreme populist groups have not only severely constrained Pakistan’s economic development and lowered the people’s living standards, but also hindered the strengthening of Pakistan’s diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, thus worsening Pakistan’s domestic political environment and impeding its integration into the trend of globalization. 파키스탄의 포퓰리즘 조직은 몇 가지 유형으로 나눌 수 있다, 그 중에 극단적 포퓰리즘 조직의 예를 들면 발루치스탄(Baluchistan), 신드(Sindh), 길기트(Gilgit) 등 지역의 포퓰리즘조직은 역사적, 정치적 원인으로 테러리즘 성질을 가지고 있다. 이러한 극단적 포퓰리즘 조직들은 파키스탄의 국가 안보 및 발전에 영향을 줄 뿐만 아니라 중-파 양국관계 및 “일대일로”를 중심으로 한 협력에도 영향을 준다. 이 조직들이 어떻게 형성되었는지, 어떤 특징을 갖고 있는지를 연구하고 구체적으로 파키스탄 및 국제사회에 어떠한 영향을 미치는가가 학계의 관심사이다. 본 논문은 문헌연구를 통해 파키스탄의 포퓰리즘조직을 분류하고, 조직구성 및 그들의 테러리즘활동이 미치는 영향을 연구하였다. 극단적 포퓰리즘조직들은 파키스탄의 국내정치환경을 악화시키고 본국의 국제화를 지연시킨다. 이와 더불어 파키스탄의 경제성장발전과 국민생활 수준의 향상을 저해시키고 있다. 또한 주변국가간의 외교관계도 악화시키고 있다는 점도 도출하였다.

巴基斯坦部落地区投资风险对中巴经济走廊的影响分析

徐吕子,涂华忠,김준영 한중사회과학학회 2023 한중사회과학연구 Vol.21 No.4

The construction of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as the flagship project of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), plays a vital role in ensuring the smooth advancement of the BRI. In recent years, the frequently changing domestic security landscape in Pakistan and the rampant terrorist attacks targeting China’s investment projects in Pakistan have posed threats to the future direction of China-Pakistan ties. The Federally Administered Tribal Areas(FATA) in Pakistan, as the relatively underdeveloped regions in the country, are crucial for Pakistan’s domestic security and stability. Since the formal integration of FATA into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in 2018, how to boost the development of tribal areas through CPEC construction has become one of the key issues. Through the perspective of interdependence theory, this paper analyzes China-Pakistan relations and concludes that the interdependence between China and Pakistan is a balanced one, in which Pakistan needs China’s investment to develop its economy while China relies on a stable Pakistan to provide channels for foreign trade. Due to historical reasons, the underdeveloped economy, inadequate infrastructure, and low education level in Pakistan’s tribal areas could easily become major risk factors threatening Pakistan’s domestic security and stability, thus impacting CPEC construction. This paper argues that CPEC needs the support and participation from Pakistan’s FATA, and meanwhile the FATA expect development opportunities from CPEC, which makes investment risks particularly important for CPEC. Finally, this paper proposes that China and Pakistan should continue to strengthen cooperation from various perspectives, such as enhancing political and diplomatic cooperation, promoting dialogues with tribal leaders, strengthening investment risk monitoring, and intensifying poverty alleviation efforts.

Present condition, Constrains and Future Scenario of Pakistan Agriculture

Jamil, Mhammad,Rha, Eui Shik 한국국제농업개발학회 2004 韓國國際農業開發學會誌 Vol.16 No.4

Pakistan is located between 24˚ and 36˚N latitude and 62˚ and 76˚E longitude. The country is bounded on the south by the Arabian Sea, on the southwest by Iran, on the northwest by Afghanistan, on the northeast by China, and on the east by India. The total geographical area of Pakistan is 796,096 square kilometers. Pakistan is basically an agricultural country and agriculture is consider to be the backbone of Pakistan economy. Agriculture is the largest sector of Pakistan economy and earns about 35~40% of the national income. Pakistan Agriculture is mainly divided into four main sub-sectors: crops, livestock, forestry and fisheries. The crop sector share about 69 per cent in the GDP due to abundantly available national resources and favourable climate, while livestock share 30 percent. Forestry and fisheries accounts less than 2 percent of the total. The crops, which are prominent in Pakistan agricultural production are: wheat, cotton, sugarcane and rice. There are many constrains for decreasing the productivity of the agricultural crops in Pakistan. This report is dividing into three section.. First section of this report is consist of present Agriculture condition, second portion explain the constrains of Pakistan Agriculture and third section is about future scenario of Pakistan Agriculture.

Pakistan's Role in the Global War on Terror

Choi, Kwan(최관) 한국외국어대학교 인도연구소 2012 남아시아연구 Vol.18 No.2

9.11테러 이후 파키스탄으로 하여금 미국주도의 테러와의 전쟁(GWOT)에 동참은 국내적으로 군사적 그리고 종교적 극단주의를 완화하는 데 많은 기여를 하였다. 그러나 여전히 역사적, 지역적, 부족적 역동성에 기반을 둔 요소들은 파키스탄이 테러국가라는 오명을 벗는 데 중요한 걸림돌이 되고 있다. 이에 본 논문은 9.11테러 이후 GWOT에 동참하는 파키스탄의 역할에 대해서 살펴보려한다. 먼저 2절에서는 테러리즘의 정의와 파키스탄에서의 종교적 극단주의와 테러리즘의 발달 그리고 이러한 테러조직 및 그룹들에 대해서 살펴볼 것이다. 3절에서는 미국주도의 GWOT에서의 역할과 아프가니스탄에서의 파키스탄정부의 활동 등에 대해서 살펴보았다. 제4절에서는 이러한 파키스탄정부의 대테러활동들이 가지는 의미 및 활동내용에 대한 분석과 문제점들에 대해서 범죄학적 관점에서 분석하였다. After the September 11 terrorist attacks, Pakistan’s decision to join the US led global war on terror(GWOT) provided it with a much needed opportunity to address militancy and religious extremism in the country. However, the historical perspective and regional/ tribal dynamics coupled with other factors exploited by certain anti-Pakistan elements have led to an increasing mistrust between Pakistan and it sallies across the border. In this back drop, this paper is aimed at highlighting the role played by Pakistan in the GWOT since September 11, 2001 within the complex regional dynamics and the challenges it faces. Whereas related activities will be briefly touched upon as they fall, the paper focused essentially on the GWOT in relation to the steps taken by Pakistan to curb extremism and terrorism domestically as well as war against the Al-Qaeda and the Taliban in tribal areas, and Pakistan’s cooperation with the coalition across the border. The second section begun with addressing the theoretical aspects related to terrorism and its evolution in Pakistan focussing on the principal internal and external reasons. In the third section the role played by Pakistan in the GWOT in the complex scenario will be highlighted in the light of interests of various countries in Afghanistan. However, it focuses on Pakistan’s long term interests in a stable, Pakistan-friendly Afghanistan. Finally in the fourth section, an analysis of Pakistan’s contributions discussed alongside the challenges it faces ahead.

Study on the Characteristics of Populism in Pakistan’s Imran·Khan Administration

Bo Tu,Xin Li,Qinghao Liu,Ting Zhao 한국국회학회 2019 한국과 세계 Vol.1 No.2

파키스탄과 중국은 전통적 우의와 전천후 전략 협력 동반자 관계 를 유지하고 있는 나라로 양국은 일대일로 를 배경으로 한 각종 협력과 교류가 세계 각국의 광범위한 관심을 받고 있다. 특히 2018년 정의운동당(PTI)이 파키스탄의 제일 큰 당이 되었으며, 뚜렷한 포퓰리즘의 색깔을 가진 임란 칸이 파키스탄 총리로 당선된 후 파키스탄의 내정 외교를 이끌어 중-파 양국의 외교관계와 경제무역협조에 어떤 영향을 줄 것인지 주목된다. 본문은 문헌 연구의 방식을 채택하여 임란 칸이 파키스탄의 총리 당선한 후에 파기스탄의 포퓰리즘의 발전 변화를 분석하고, 임란칸 정부의 민주주의적 특징을 중점적으로 연구했다. Pakistan and China have been maintaining traditional friendship and all-weather strategic cooperative partnership. All kinds of cooperation and exchanges between the two countries under the background of “One Belt One Road” have attracted extensive attention from countries around the world. In recent years, Pakistan s rising populism has become a potential obstacle to the cooperation between China and Pakistan. In 2018, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) became the largest party in Pakistan and then Imran·Khan who is a politician with obvious populism inclination was elected as Prime Minister of Pakistan, which further demonstrated the rising of populism in Pakistan. What policies will be carried out by Pakistani domestic and foreign affairs and what impacts the policies will have on the diplomatic relations and economic and trade cooperation between China and Pakistan are worthy of attention. Resorting to a literature review approach, this paper analyzes the development and changes of populism in Pakistan before and after Imran·Khan s election as Prime Minister and studies the characteristics of populism during Imran·Khan administration. This paper argues that Imran Khan administration pursued state power by virtue of populism and then the government strengthened the supervision of the people at the bottom, which reflects its contradiction. Moreover, it is important to note that extreme populism at home may bring instability to the new government. The new government’s populist nature indicates it cannot solve the deep-rooted problem that plague Pakistan, such as the military dictatorship.