‘먹어서 응원하자’? 부흥을 위한 생명정치: ‘예외상태’에서의 동원과 전문성의 정치를 통한 후쿠시마 정상화 시도

최종민 ( Jong-min Choi ) 서강대학교 동아연구소 2021 東亞 硏究 Vol.40 No.1

이 연구는 생명정치와 전문성의 정치를 통해 후쿠시마 부흥 정책 중 하나인 ‘먹어서 응원하자!’ 운동을 살펴보았다. 일본 정부는 후쿠시마 원전사고 이후 소수 전문가들의 판단을 토대로 식품의 방사능 기준치와 피폭 허용기준치를 정하였고, 방사능 수치가 기준치 이하면 안전하다는 논리를 전개했다. 따라서 후쿠시마산 식품의 안전성 주장과 전문가들의 논의를 통해 결정된 방사능 기준치를 토대로 후쿠시마 부흥 정책이 진행되었다. 하지만 일본 시민들은 정부가 정한 기준치가 건강상의 위해를 고려한 것이 아닌 정부의 의도에 따라 바뀐다며 비판했고, 저선량피폭의 위험성을 제시하는 대항전문가도 존재했다. 시민들은 직접 식품과 환경의 방사능을 측정하였으며, 독자적인 아카이브를 구축하는 대항지식 생산 사례를 남겼다. 그러나 일본 정부는 ‘먹어서 응원하자!’ 운동을 통해 지속적으로 후쿠시마의 정상화를 꾀했고, 일본 국민들의 생명은 후쿠시마산 식품을 소비할 대상이 되었다. 후쿠시마 원전사고는 대규모 자연재해와 결합하여 규범이 강하게 작용하는 ‘예외상태’를 만들었고, 일본 국민들을 ‘벌거벗은 생명’으로서 후쿠시마산 식품을 소비하게끔 했다. 또한 후쿠시마 원전사고는 ‘예외상태’이지만 후쿠시마산 식품과 관련된 생명정치와 후쿠시마 부흥 정책은 후쿠시마를 ‘정상상태’로 정의하며 전개되었다. 예외상태와 정상상태라는 모순적인 기제의 작동을 토대로 일본 국민들에 대한 생명정치는 진행될 수 있었다. This study aims to explain the “Support by Eating” campaign, one of reconstruction of Fukushima policies developed from the life politics and politics of expertise. The Japanese government announced the new permissible levels of radioactivity in food and exposure based on the judgements of a few experts after the accident. And the government developed this logic further by claiming that if the radioactivity level is lower than the permissible level, then it must be safe. Based on this guideline developed from the claim that food from Fukushima is safe and permissible level outlined by the experts, Japanese government announced policies and campaigns for the reconstruction of Fukushima. But Japanese citizens criticized the government created these standards not out of the concern that it could pose as hazards to the citizens and can be modified to reflect the government's agendas or intentions. Furthermore, some counter experts suggested the danger of low-level exposure. Japanese citizens began to measure and monitor the food and environment and created an independent archive as an example of lay knowledge production. Regardless of these efforts, the government continued the Tabete Ouene, or “Support by Eating” campaign for the normalization of Fukushima, which resulted in making the lives of Japanese people a subject for the Fukushima food consumption. The Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Accident, combined with the catastrophic natural disaster, created a state of exception which a norm was strictly implemented and led Japanese people to consume Fukushima food as “exposed and bare lives”. Also, the accident was defined as the “state of exception,” but Fukushima was defined as the “normal state,” thus normalizing the area due to the life politics for the Fukushima food and the reconstruction of Fukushima policies. Therefore, based on this paradoxical mechanism of coexistence of “state of exception” and “normal state,” the life politics of the Japanese citizens continued.

특집논문 : 발전(發電)의 믿음, 발전(發展)의 욕망: 물신숭배의 관점에서 본 한국사회의 원자력 낙관주의

정용택 ( Yong Taek Jeong ) 한국종교문화연구소 2015 종교문화비평 Vol.28 No.28

``후쿠시마`` 이후 한국사회의 대중들은 핵발전의 위험성에 대해 잘 알고 있음에도 불구하고, 여전히 핵발전에 대한 낙관적인 태도를 유지하고 있다. 이 글은 이러한 사회적 현상을 ``원자력 낙관주의``라 규정하고, 이를 물신주의적 믿음의 관점에서 비판적으로 분석하고 있다. 이를 위해 먼저 제2절에서는 원자력 낙관주의의 범례로서 나가이 다카시(永井隆)의 생애와 사상을 예비적으로 검토했다. 특히 원자력에 대한 그의 낙관적 믿음을 만들어낸 원인이 무엇인지를 규명하기 위하여 의사 외에 그가 지녔던 원자물리학자, 가톨릭신자, 황국신민의 정체성을 주목해서 살펴보았다. 나가이 다카시의 경우는 원자력 낙관주의 분석과 관련하여 두 가지 중요한 이론적 실마리를 제공했다. 첫째, 원자력에 대한 나가이의 낙관적인 ``믿음의 원인``이 그 ``믿음의 대상``인 원자력 그 자체에 있는 것이 아니라 사실은 그의 종교적·이데올로기적 욕망에 있음을 보여주었다. 둘째, ``원자력``이란 대상이 그에게는 피폭 체험 이전부터 갖고 있었고, 피폭을 계기로 더욱 극대화된 어떤 욕망과 환상이 빚어낸 ``물신(物神)``임을 보여주었다. 제3절에서는 ``후쿠시마`` 이후 한국사회의 ``핵에 관한 대중적 수용성``의 변화를 살펴 보았다. ``후쿠시마`` 이후 수행된 다양한 조사들과 연구들은 한국의 대중들은 ``후쿠시마``의 재앙을 간접적으로 경험했음에도 불구하고 핵발전의 사회적 필요성 및 경제적 효용성에 근거하여 핵발전에 대한 낙관적 태도를 견지하고 있음을 보여주었다. 그래서 ``후쿠시마`` 이후 한국사회의 원자력 낙관주의는 가장 합리적인 형태로 핵의 경제성에 대한 물신주의적 믿음을 만들어내면서, 결국 핵에너지의 위험성과 핵발전과 연관된 다양한 사회적 고통들을 은폐한다는 점을 지적했다. 제4절에서는 ``원자력 낙관주의``를 종교적 믿음에 비견되는 ``물신주의적 믿음``으로 구체화하여, 그러한 물신주의적 믿음이 어떤 논리구조를 갖고 있는지를 살펴보았다. 단지 경제적 효율성이 가장 높다는 이유로 핵발전의 필요성을 "그냥 그대로 믿어 버리는 차원"으로 만들어버린 원자력 낙관주의 역시 ``핵에너지``나 ``핵발전``과 같은 혐오스럽고 불편한 이름 대신 ``원자력``이나 ``원전``이라는 안전하고 깨끗한 이름으로 불리는 특수한 에너지 상품의 생산 및 사회적 유통의 과정에서 나타나는 물신숭배적 현상이라 할 수 있다는 것이다. 그와 더불어 물신숭배가 작동하는 메커니즘의 핵심인 가상 또는 외양의 문제를 중심으로 하여, 한국의 대중들이 핵발전에 대하여 보여주고 있는 태도를 ``물신주의적 믿음``의 측면에서 접근하는 방식이 신학적으로나 종교학적으로 어떠한 의의를 갖고 있는지를 설명했다. 마지막으로 제5절에서는 핵발전의 ``경제성`` 담론에 대중들이 물신숭배에 가까운 태도를 보여주고 있는 까닭은 사실상 그것이 대중들 자신의 무의식적 욕망 및 환상에 강하게 조응하기 때문임을 주장했다. 핵에 관한 대중적 수용성, 또는 원자력 낙관주의가 발전(發展)을 둘러싼 대중의 강력한 욕망과 환상에 기초하고 있기 때문에, 핵발전 중심의 에너지정책이 계속해서 논쟁을 야기해왔음에도 불구하고 대중들에게는 여전히 핵발전이 물신주의적 믿음의 대상으로 남아 있는 것이다. 결론적으로 ``물신주의적 믿음``의 한 형태로서 원자력 낙관주의는 발전주의적 자본주의 체제가 빚어낸 ``객관적 사유형태``이자 ``필연적 가상``이라는 사실을 다시 강조하였다. 발전주의적 자본주의 체제를 구조화하고 있는 현재의 사회적 관계를 변혁하지 않는 이상 대중들의 물신화된 원자력 낙관주의 역시 결코 제거될 수 없음을 역설한 것이다. The Korean general public knows very well about dangerousness of nuclear power, but still, they maintain an optimistic attitude toward nuclear energy after the ``Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster``. This article defines as ``The Optimism on Atomic Energy`` such a social phenomenon, and analysis it critically in terms of fetishistic belief. To this end, at first we reviewed Takashi Nagai`s life and thought as a model example of optimism on atomic energy in the second section. Above all, we paid attention to his three identities to be called an atomic scientist, Catholic and subjects of Japanese empire to determine what made his optimistic belief in nuclear power. His case offered us important two clues. Firstly, It goes to show that cause of his optimistic belief in nuclear power not in the nuclear power itself but in his religious and ideological desires for something different. Secondly, the nuclear power exposed as a ``fetish`` that some kinds of desire and fantasy made, which had already before the atomic bombing of Nagasaki, and had been strengthened taking that opportunity. The next thing, in the third section we researched change of ``the public acceptance of nuclear power`` after ``the Fukushima`` in Korean society. Many researches and studies performed after ``the Fukushima`` showed that while the Korean general public indirectly experienced disaster of ``the Fukushima``, they still maintain an optimistic attitude toward nuclear energy. Therefore, we pointed out that the optimism on atomic energy in Korean society after ``the Fukushima`` made fetishistic belief in the economic efficiency of nuclear power, and then suppressed dangerousness of nuclear energy and various social sufferings deeply involved with nuclear power. In the fourth section, we considered that what logical structure fetishistic belief has internally, specifying ``the optimism on atomic energy`` into a discussion on ``the fetishistic belief`` that can be compared to religious belief. Also the optimism on atomic energy can be interpreted in terms of fetishism, because nuclear energy is considered as vital energy and be unquestioningly accepted among the people for the sole reason it has the highest economic efficiency. In addition, we explained what the way that approach to ``the optimism on atomic energy`` in terms of ``fetishistic belief`` means to theological studies or religious studies, focusing on the imagination or the appearance of the kernel in Marx`s theory of commodity fetishism. Finally, in the fifth section we demonstrated that the reason, of which the Korean general public shows fetishistic attitude in dealing with the discourse on economics of nuclear energy, is, optimism of nuclear power closely correspond to their own unconscious desires for development. In conclusion, we reconfirmed that optimism of nuclear power is ``the objective thought forms`` in the developmental capitalism. Thus unless we transform current our own social relations that structuring developmental capitalism, we will never remove optimism of nuclear power that the Korean general public has under any circumstance.

재난 지역 여성의 시민과학 실천을 통해 본 삶을 위한 연대: 후쿠시마 이와키방사능시민측정실 『타라치네』 활동을 중심으로

오은정(Oh, Eunjeong) 서울대학교 비교문화연구소 2021 비교문화연구 Vol.27 No.2

다종다양한 복합적 기술환경 위기가 상존하는 현대 사회에서 재난에 대한 기술합리적 분석과 대응만큼이나, 계급, 인종, 젠더 등으로 차별받지 않고 재난 이후 삶을 회복하는 일은 중요하다. 관련하여 ‘재난 취약성’과 ‘재난 불평등’에 관한 기존 연구의 성과에도 불구하고, ‘재난 정의’를 위해서는 젠더 관점이 더 요구된다는 지적이 상당하다. 본 연구는 후쿠시마 원전 사고 이후, 일본의 공적 공간에서 사소한 것으로 배제되어 온 여성들의 목소리와 그것을 극복하기 위해 벌인 활동에 주목한다. 사례가 되는 「이와키 방사능 시민측정실 타라치네」는 후쿠시마현 이와키의 엄마들이 주체가 된 시민과학 단체이다. 이 글은 이들의 방사선량 측정 활동이 위험에 관한 지식 생산을 넘어서 삶의 세계를 구축하는 다양한 사람과 사물의 관계를 조정하고, 정책과 제도의 프레임에 문제를 제기하는 스케일 작업이라고 주장한다. 비가시적이지만 그들의 삶의 세계의 모든 것을 채우고 틀지우는 방사선량을 측정함으로써 이들은 생활 세계에 대한 공통감각을 구축한다. 재난 이후 삶의 가능성을 모색하는 장치로서 이 활동은 생활 정치와 연대의 윤리이며, 새로운 인간-사물-제도의 관계 변화를 도모하는 노력이다. As various complex environmental crises occur in modern society, it is important to restore life after disasters withwithout discrimination by class, race and gender. In this regard, despite the achievements of many social science studies on disaster vulnerability and disaster inequality, it is pointed out that gender perspectives are more needed for disaster justice. This study focuses on the activities of local women to overcome life crises, while keeping in mind that the voices of women have been regarded as trivial in public discourse after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster. The NPO, ‘Tarachine Mothers’ Radiation Lab Fukushima’, was established by women living in Iwaki City, Fukushima Prefecture, to produce reliable information on the risk of radiation exposure in the region after the Fukushima Disater. This paper argues that their radiation measurement activities do not just mean producing knowledge about risks, but are also a way for women living in areas where disasters persist to adjust the relationship and distance between various people and materials, building on a common sense of the life-world, and expanding life possibilities. Furthermore, I would like to show that this scaling(scaling activities?) is the ethics of life politics and solidarity of women living in disaster areas, and is an effort to promote a change in the relationship between humans, materials, and institutions.

After Fukushima: An Introduction

Norifumi Namatame 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2013 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.37 No.4

Status Update for Facilities About Decommissioning of Fukushima Daiichi NPP

Sunghoon Hong 한국방사성폐기물학회 2023 한국방사성폐기물학회 학술논문요약집 Vol.21 No.1

On March 11 2011, Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant site was attacked by a huge tsunami caused by Tohoku Pacific Ocean earthquake. Nuclear fuels of unit 1, 2, and 3 of Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant was melted down by the disaster. After the accident, Japan’s government has announced “Mid-and-Long-Term Roadmap towards the decommissioning of TEPCO’s Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station Units 1-4”. The topics of roadmap is made of measures to deal with contaminated water, removal of fuel rod assemblies from spent fuel pools, retrieval of fuel debris, measures to deal with waste materials, and other operations. To support the activity of the roadmap, various facilities about decommissioning have been established and operated on inside or outside of Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant site. Representatively, Collaborative Laboratories for Advanced Decommissioning Science which conducts R&D decommissioning, Naraha Remote Technology Development Center which develops remotes robots and VR (Virtual reality), Okuma Analysis and Research Center which performs radiochemical analyses for radioactive waste, and Fukushima Environmental Safety Center which conducts environmental dynamics and radiation monitoring.

福島第一原発事故への責任=応答可能性(レスポンサビリテ)— 生業訴訟最高裁判決と東電株主代表訴訟東京地裁判決をめぐって —

佐藤嘉幸 한국일본학회 2022 日本學報 Vol.- No.133

Eleven years after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident, the collective resistance movement by the victims of the accident is converging on legal battles against the national government and TEPCO. Two very important judgements have recently been made in these battles: the June 17, 2022 judgement by the Supreme Court on the nuclear accident victims’ lawsuits (Nariwai, Chiba, Gunma, and Ehime lawsuits) and the July 13, 2022 judgement by the Tokyo District Court on TEPCO shareholder derivative lawsuit. The former acknowledged TEPCO’s responsibility, but completely denied the government’s one. On the other hand, the latter ruled that the four former TEPCO executives were responsible for the nuclear accident and ordered them to pay 13.321 trillion yen to TEPCO. Although the rulings of these two cases are completely contrasting, there are also some parallels. In this paper, we would like to consider the responsibility for the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident by comparing these two contrasting judgements. It is natural that TEPCO, which foresaw the possibility of a 15.7 meter tsunami in 2008 but did not take any countermeasures, is responsible for the accident. However, is the government, which has not properly exercised the regulatory authority in their nuclear policy, really not responsible for the accident? And is there any problem with the attitude of the judiciary, which recognizes responsibility only for TEPCO and not for the government? By the way, the responsibility for the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident lies not only with TEPCO and the government, but also with ourselves who have relied on the “discriminatory system” (Hiroaki Koide) of nuclear power. From this perspective, we would like to conclude that the concept of “responsibility” should be read in the sense of Jacques Derrida, and that the responsibility for the catastrophe of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident and its victims realizes a global solidarity for abandoning nuclear power. 福島第一原発事故から11年が経過し、原発事故被害者たちの集団的な抵抗運動は、国と東京電力を相手とした裁判闘争へと収斂しつつある。最近、こうした裁判闘争において、二つの極めて重要な判決が出された。2022年6月17日の原発被害者訴訟(生業訴訟、千葉・群馬・愛媛避難者訴訟)最高裁判決と、7月13日の東電株主代表訴訟東京地裁判決である。生業訴訟最高裁判決は東京電力の責任を認めたものの、国の責任を全面否定した。他方、株代訴訟で東京地裁は、東電元経営陣4人に対して原発事故の責任を認め、13兆3210億円という巨額の賠償を東京電力に支払うよう命じる判決を出した。両者の判決内容は全く対照的だが、同時に、照応する部分もある。本稿ではその対照的な二つの判決を比較することで、福島第一原発事故の責任の所在について考えてみたい。福島第一原発事故において、15.7メートルの津波襲来の可能性を2008年の時点で予見していながら何の対策も取らなかった東京電力に責任があるのは当然である。しかし、国策民営として展開されてきた原発政策の中で規制権限を適切に行使してこなかった国に本当に責任はないのだろうか。そして、民間企業である東京電力にのみ責任を認め、国の責任を免除する司法の態度に問題はないのだろうか。 ところで、福島第一原発事故への責任は、東京電力と国のみならず、原発という「差別のシステム」(小出裕章)に依存してきた私たち自身にもある。そこから結論として、「責任」の概念を「」(ジャック・デリダ)と読み替え、福島第一原発事故というカタストロフィとその被害者への応答可能性こそが脱原発へのグローバルな連帯をもたらす、という点を論じたい。

후쿠시마 원전 사고와 에너지정책의 전환

임채성 중앙대학교 외국학연구소 2018 외국학연구 Vol.- No.43

The purpose of this article is to examine how Japanese energy policy has developed after Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster and how the energy-mixing policy including nuclear power was recognized in Japan. To cope with a speedy rising of energy price, the Japanese government decided to expand nuclear facilities that, they believed, were technically established compared to renewable energy. However, the Great East Japan Earthquake and the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster became a major shock to this existing 'Zero Emission policy' emphasizing nuclear power. The basic energy policy was turned into 'Zero Nuclear Power', which met with disapproval of the industrial world having concern about the economic burden. After the disappearance of public support for the Democratic regime, the 4th Energy Basic Plan was established to cancel 'zero nuclear power' policy under Abenomics of the liberal democratic party regime. Likewise, even though Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster had a great impact on Japanese society and caused a fundamental skepticism on human control over the nature, the economic logic of escaping from deflation is strongly reflected in the Japanese economic policy under Abenomics.

Early Emergency Responses of the Japan Atomic Energy Agency against the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station Accident in 2011

Okuno, Hiroshi,Sato, Sohei,Kawakami, Takeshi,Yamamoto, Kazuya,Tanaka, Tadao The Korean Association for Radiation Protection 2021 방사선방어학회지 Vol.46 No.2

Background: The Japan Atomic Energy Agency (JAEA) is specified in the Disaster Counter-measures Basic Act as a designated public corporation for dealing with nuclear disasters. Materials and Methods: The Nuclear Emergency Assistance and Training Center (NEAT) was established in 2002 as the activity base providing technical assistance to both national and local governments during nuclear emergencies. The NEAT has a robust structure and utilities and special installations, and it organizes training and exercises. Results and Discussion: Due to an offshore earthquake that caused a devastating tsunami in March 2011, a nuclear accident occurred at the Tokyo Electric Power Company's Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station. The NEAT responded by conducting off-site environmental radiation monitoring and contamination screening, dispatching special vehicles, offering telephone consultations, and calculating the dispersion of radioactive materials. An examination of the emergency response activities revealed that the organization was prepared for these types of disasters and was able to plan long-term response. Conclusion: As a designated public corporation, the JAEA technically supports the national government, the Fukushima prefectural government, and the Ibaraki prefectural government, all of which responded to the off-site emergencies resulting from the March 2011 Fukushima Daiichi accident

Estimation of In-plant Source Term Release Behaviors from Fukushima Daiichi Reactor Cores by Forward Method and Comparison with Reverse Method

Kim, Tae-Woon,Rhee, Bo-Wook,Song, Jin-Ho,Kim, Sung-Il,Ha, Kwang-Soon The Korean Association for Radiation Protection 2017 방사선방어학회지 Vol.42 No.2

Background: The purpose of this paper is to confirm the event timings and the magnitude of fission product aerosol release from the Fukushima accident. Over a few hundreds of technical papers have been published on the environmental impact of Fukushima Daiichi accident since the accident occurred on March 11, 2011. However, most of the research used reverse or inverse method based on the monitoring of activities in the remote places and only few papers attempted to estimate the release of fission products from individual reactor core or from individual spent fuel pool. Severe accident analysis code can be used to estimate the radioactive release from which reactor core and from which radionuclide the peaks in monitoring points can be generated. Materials and Methods: The basic material used for this study are the initial core inventory obtained from the report JAEA-Data/Code 2012-018 and the given accident scenarios provided by Japanese Government or Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) in official reports. In this research a forward method using severe accident progression code is used as it might be useful for justifying the results of reverse or inverse method or vice versa. Results and Discussion: The release timing and amounts to the environment are estimated for volatile radioactive fission products such as noble gases, cesium, iodine, and tellurium up to 184 hours (about 7.7 days) after earthquake occurs. The in-plant fission product behaviors and release characteristics to environment are estimated using the severe accident progression analysis code, MELCOR, for Fukushima Daiichi accident. These results are compared with other research results which are summarized in UNSCEAR 2013 Report and other technical papers. Also it may provide the physically based arguments for justifying or suspecting the rationale for the scenarios provided in open literature. Conclusion: The estimated results by MELCOR code simulation of this study indicate that the release amount of volatile fission products to environment from Units 1, 2, and 3 cores is well within the range estimated by the reverse or inverse method, which are summarized in UNSCEAR 2013 report. But this does not necessarily mean that these two approaches are consistent.

Analysis of the Activities of the Website “Question and Answer about Radiation in Daily Life” after the Accident at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant and Some Lessons Learned from It: To Pass on This Experience to the Future

Kono Takahiko,Tanaka Masato,Tanaka Hitomi,Shimo Michikuni,Torii Hiroyuki A.,Uno Kazuko 대한방사선방어학회 2022 방사선방어학회지 Vol.47 No.3

After the accident at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, artificial radionuclides such as radioactive cesium and iodine were released into the environment. It caused great anxiety not only in the vicinity of the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant but also in other regions of the world. Some members of the Japan Health Physics Society (JHPS), a leading academic soci- ety in Japan in the field of radiation protection, volunteered to establish a website called “Ques- tion and Answer (Q&A) about radiation in daily life” shortly after the accident to help reduce the residents’ anxiety about the health effects of radiation. In August 2011, “Committee for Q&A about radiation in daily life” was established in JHPS, making the website-related activities a responsibility of JHPS. The Q&A website continued to respond to the questions from the gen- eral public with expertise and sincerity until February 2013 when the Committee members de- cided to end the activities because the number of questions received had gradually decreased with the passage of time. This paper aims to introduce the following: the activities of the Q&A website during the two years (2011–2013), the stance chosen for the activities, the information related to the website activities and the analysis of Twitter data. Building on the experience and the knowledge obtained from the activities, it also discusses issues and experiences that can be utilized in the initial response to emergencies for radiation protection experts as well as those in other fields.