<주생전>과 <위생전>의 비교 연구 -욕망의 구현 양상을 중심으로

윤해성 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2017 장서각 Vol.0 No.38

The purpose of this study is to compare the characteristics of <Joo-Saeng Jeon> and <Wi-Saeng Jeon>, focusing on the aspect of desire. This paper is to analyze the desire realization of the main characters from the two works and the author's gaze in the end. Joo-Saeng, Bae-Do, and Sun-Hwa in <Joo-Saeng Jeon> having private desires far from Confucian ideology, pursue the affection with the will to realize private desires. There are not the followers of Confucian ideology in the work. Therefore, Joo-Saeng, Bae-Do and Sun-Hwa are not subjected to get pressure or restrictions by Confucian ideology in the process of expressing their own private desires. it concludes with an open ending without clear conclusion about the relationship between male and female characters with private desires. This implicates reserved determination on the question, 'Can individuals' private desire be realized?'. It seems the author opened the possibility without denying pursuit of private desires. In <Wi-Saeng Jeon>, there are characters with a variety of spectrum between desire and ideology. Wi-Saeng is a character pursuing the pleasure of private desire, irrelevant to Confucian ideology, but Jang-Saeng is a normative one strictly following Confucian ideology, completely opposite to Wi-Saeng. So, Sook-Bang had a relationship with Wi-Saeng due to distorted sexual desire before marriage but behaves following Confucian ideology after marriage. Different from <Joo-Saeng Jeon>, in <Wi-Saeng Jeon>, Wi-Saeng gets pressure from surrounding people such as friend and wife strong Confucian ideology system. In the end, the author of <Wi-Saeng Jeon> showed the private desire can not be realized and the desire and ideology can not be harmonized through death of Wi-Saeng and So, Sook-Bang. Because of the So, Sook-Bang’s death for chastity, Wi-Saeng and So, Sook-Bang become one after death and receive the people's mourning and praise. This reveals the view of affirming Confucian ideology. Both works have the appropriate characterization and the conclusion structure in the view point of not denying the pursuit of private desire and affirming Confucian ideology against private desire. The purpose of this study is to compare the characteristics of <Joo-Saeng Jeon> and <Wi-Saeng Jeon>, focusing on the aspect of desire. This paper is to analyze the desire realization of the main characters from the two works and the author's gaze in the end. Joo-Saeng, Bae-Do, and Sun-Hwa in <Joo-Saeng Jeon> having private desires far from Confucian ideology, pursue the affection with the will to realize private desires. There are not the followers of Confucian ideology in the work. Therefore, Joo-Saeng, Bae-Do and Sun-Hwa are not subjected to get pressure or restrictions by Confucian ideology in the process of expressing their own private desires. it concludes with an open ending without clear conclusion about the relationship between male and female characters with private desires. This implicates reserved determination on the question, 'Can individuals' private desire be realized?'. It seems the author opened the possibility without denying pursuit of private desires. In <Wi-Saeng Jeon>, there are characters with a variety of spectrum between desire and ideology. Wi-Saeng is a character pursuing the pleasure of private desire, irrelevant to Confucian ideology, but Jang-Saeng is a normative one strictly following Confucian ideology, completely opposite to Wi-Saeng. So, Sook-Bang had a relationship with Wi-Saeng due to distorted sexual desire before marriage but behaves following Confucian ideology after marriage. Different from <Joo-Saeng Jeon>, in <Wi-Saeng Jeon>, Wi-Saeng gets pressure from surrounding people such as friend and wife strong Confucian ideology system. In the end, the author of <Wi-Saeng Jeon> showed the private desire can not be realized and the desire and ideology can not be harmonized through death of Wi-Saeng and So, Sook-Bang. Because of the So, Sook-Bang ... 본 연구의 목적은 욕망의 구현 양상을 중심으로 <주생전>과 <위생전>을 비교 고찰하는 데에 있다. 이를 위해 두 작품의 주요 인물들의 욕망 구현 양상과 결말에 나타난 작가의 시선을 분석하였다. <주생전>의 주생, 배도, 선화는 모두 유교 이념과는 거리가 먼 사적 욕망을 가지고 있는 인물들로, 모두 사적 욕망을 실현하려는 의지를 가지고 애정을 추구한다. 그런데 작품 속에는 유교 이념을 따르는 인물들이 존재하지 않는다. 그럼으로써 주생, 배도, 선화는 자신의 사적 욕망을 표출하는 과정에서 유교 이념의 세계에 의해 압력이나 제재를 받지 않게 된다. 또 결말에서는 사적 욕망을 갖는 남녀주인공의 결연에 대해 명확한 결론을 내리지 않고 열린 결말로 마무리하고 있다. 이는 ‘개인의 사적 욕망을 실현할 수 있는가?’ 라는 문제에 대한 판단을 유보한 것으로, 작가는 사적 욕망의 추구를 부정하지 않고 그 실현 가능성을 열어 놓은 것으로 볼 수 있다. <위생전>에는 욕망과 이념 사이에서 다양한 스펙트럼을 가진 인물들이 등장한다. 주인공 위생은 유교 이념과 무관한 쾌락이라는 사적 욕망을 추구하는 인물이지만, 장생은 위생과는 정반대로 철저히 유교 이념을 따르는 규범적 인물이며, 소숙방은 억눌린 성적 욕망으로 인해 혼전에 위생과 결연하였지만 혼인 후에는 유교 이념의 틀에 입각해 행동하는 인물이다. <주생전>과는 달리, <위생전>은 위생의 주변 인물인 친구, 부인을 유교 이념 체계를 가진 인물로 설정하여 사적 욕망을 추구하는 위생에게 압력을 가하도록 하였다. 결말에서 <위생전>의 작가는 위생과 소숙방의 죽음이라는 결말을 통해 사적 욕망의 실현은 불가능하며 욕망과 이념이 조화를 이룰 수 없음을 나타내었다. 그리고 소숙방의 절사로 인해 위생과 소숙방은 죽어서 하나가 되고 사람들의 추모와 칭송을 받게 되는 것으로 그리고 있는데, 이를 통해 <위생전>에는 유교 이념을 긍정하는 시각이 드러난다고 할 수 있다. 두 작품은 사적 욕망의 추구를 부정하지 않는 관점과 사적 욕망을 부정하고 유교 이념을 긍정하는 관점, 이 두 가지 관점에 각각 적합한 인물 구성과 결말 구조를 가지고 있다고 하겠다.

고려시기의 유교와 불교

변동명 ( Dong Myong Byon ) 한국중세사학회 2005 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.18

It has been acknowledged that Confucianism and Buddhism coexisted in Goryeo Dynasty. Buddhism was the sociopolitical ideology through the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla period, But in Goryeo the ideological character of Buddhism was weakened, as the political status of Confucianism was in its place. Confucianism is the ideology which insists that the political leader should be a Confucian scholar who stands on the stabilized royal authority. But in real political situations, Confucianism played different kinds of political role. In the bone-rank(kolp`um) system in which those of true-bone(chin`gol) wielded predominant power, Confucianism supported the king instead of those of true-bone, and in the period of decentralization of power, in the age of powerful gentry families, it backed the centralized system. But when Goryeo Dynasty centralized its political power, Confucianism criticized royal absolutism and insisted that political leaders should be Confucio-civil officials. Under the military regime it was expected to oppose the tyranny of military men with the slogan of kingly rule. After the restoration of kingly rule and especially under the intervention of Yuan China, Confucianism was against the strengthening of royal authority and insisted that the initiative of politics should be taken by Confucio-civil officials. During Goryeo Dynasty Confucianism operated as political ideology. But its effect on public thought was not mightier than Buddhism. Confucianism tried hard to find its proper position against the superiority of Buddhism. In the earlier period of Goryeo, Confucio-civil officials proposed the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism, and Confucianism was taken as the political ideology. Ch`oe Sting-no insisted that Confucianism and Buddhism had their own unique functions and Confucianism was more suitable as political ideology. In the middle of Goryeo Dynasty, Confucio-civil officials grasped political initiative and they made the system for their own sake. Confucianism established a firm position as the political theory. So some Confucian scholars criticized Buddhism and wanted to draw a distinction between Confucianism and Buddhism. Naturally the Buddhist who had been supported by king and royal family coped with this situation. But this kind of discord ended after a while. The military revolt brought the weakening of Confucianism and then Buddhism kept its predominant status. After the collapse of military regime, Confucianism got out of difficulties. Neo-Confucianism was accepted at that time. The new literati class made Confucianism their spiritual mainstay. The spread of Neo-Confucianism gave rise to a growing repudiation of Buddhism. Through the late years of Goryeo and the early years of Choson the argument for the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism, which was raised by some Buddhist monks, must have been the result of Buddhist struggle to escape from the dangers they were under.

중국 고대 유가의 ‘민’ 관념

박병석(朴炳奭) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2014 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.13 No.2

정치현상을 기록한 중국의 초기 문헌은 거의 예외 없이 지배층인 인(人, man)을 포함한 군주의 피지배층 민(民, people)에 대한 인식과 태도를 담고 있다. 전자의 후자에 대한 인식과 태도가 중국 정치사상의 기본을 이루고 있다. 정통 유가의 중심 사상은 전자의 후자에 대한 인(仁) 또는 인정(仁政)으로 이해되어 왔다. 유가정치사상은 심지어 중국 역대 왕조와 조선(朝鮮)의 정치 이데올로기로 격상되었다. 그러나 근대이후 서구사상과 문화의 유입에 따라 정치 이데올로기로서의 위상을 상실했던 유가 정치사상의 핵심을 민본주의로 재해석하여 민주주의와의 융합 또는 조화의 가능성과 당위성을 찾으려는 움직임은 지속되어왔다. 그러나 이러한 움직임이 타당하려면 중국 선진시대 유가 전적에 나타난 민(民)의 위상은 최소한 정치의 주체라는 인식이 존재해야 한다. 이 논문은 관념사(history of ideas) 연구방법을 통해 선진시대 유가 전적에 나타난 민(民), 즉 백성의 행위를 분류하고 분석하였다. 그 결과, 선진 유가 전적에 나타난 백성의 행위는 자신의 의지에 따른 자주적이고 자발적인 행위가 아니라 위정자의 행위에 대한 반응으로서의 행위가 대부분이었다. 따라서 선진 유가가 보는 백성은 통치의 대상일 뿐이고, 정치학, 특히 권력론에서 보면 유가사상은 결국 위정자에게 효과적인 통치술을 설파한 통치론에 불과하였다. 통치의 주체인 위정자는 객체인 민에 대해 피통치자의 역할과 기능을 하도록 적극 주문하였다. 위정자는 민을 열등한 타자로 만들어 타자화(他者化)하였고 차등화하였다. 위정자는 민을 자신의 정권과 통치를 유지하는데 필요한 근본임을 인식하고 ‘민유방본’(民惟邦本) 이나 ‘민위귀’(民爲貴) 등의 수사를 동원했지만 그 전제는 ‘위정’(爲政), 즉 왕권과 정권의 유지와 강화였다. 후대의 학자들은 이러한 수사를 ‘민본’(民本)이니 ‘위민’(爲民)으로 정리하여 유가 사상의 ‘존재이유’를 옹호했다. Early Chinese literature’s recording of political phenomena in China, almost without exception, contains the understanding and insights of the monarch and the ruling class(that is to say, the man(“ren”, 人)) toward the subjugated class(that is to say, the people(“min”, 民)). The former’s understanding of and attitudes toward the latter form the mainstream of Chinese political thought. The main idea of orthodox Confucianism has been understood as the ruling class’ benevolence(“ren”, 仁) toward ordinary people or benevolent politics(“renzheng”, 仁政). The political ideology of Confucianism was also the political ideology of many generations of Chinese dynasties and of the Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty. In modern times, however, with the influx of western ideology and culture, the essence of Confucian ideology, which has lost its status as a political ideology, has been reinterpreted as a “people-oriented ideology”(“minben zhuyi”, 民本主義), and there has been continuous movement in the search of the possibility or appropriateness of its convergence or harmony with democracy. In order for this kind of movement and reasoning to be valid, there must be acknowledgment of the fact that the status of the people(“min”, 民), based on Confucian records of the pre-Qin(先秦) era of China is, at the very least, a political subject. This essay categorizes and analyzes the actions of the min?the people?that appear in the Confucian records of the pre-Qin era through the research method of the history of ideas. The actions of the people, according to Confucianism records, were not independent and voluntary, but mostly responsive to politicians’ actions. Therefore, the people, from the Confucian point of view, were merely objects of governance. From a political science, especially power theory, point of view, the ideology of Confucianism is no more than a doctrine of governance that effectively preached ways of ruling. The ruling agents, the politicians, actively requested that the objects of ruling, the min, fulfill their role as the governed body. The politicians “othernized” the min and distinguished themselves from them. The politicians realized that the min were the basis of their ruling power and reign and used political rhetoric, such as “the people are the basis of the state”(“min wei bangben”, 民惟邦本) or “the people are precious”(“min wei gui”, 民爲貴), but the premise of this was “political domination”(“weizheng”, 爲政)?in other words, maintenance or strengthening of the royal authority and ruling power. Many scholars in modern times summed up these historical rhetoric as “of the people”(“minben”, 民本) or “for the people”(“weimin”, 爲民), advocating the “raison d’etre” of the Confucian ideology in contemporary society.

중국 공산당과 현대신유학의 관계: 현대신유학의 이데올로기적 역할을 중심으로

이동규 ( Dong Gyu Lee ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소(구 통일문제연구소) 2015 동북아연구 Vol.30 No.2

본 논문은 중국 공산당과 통치 이데올로기의 관계에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 현대신유학(現代新儒學)의 발전과정과 그 이데올로기적 역할을 연구함으로써, 현대신유학이 어떻게 중국 공산당의 새로운 통치 이데올로기로 발전하였는가, 그리고 중국의 사회주의 정치체제의 변화를 창출할 가능성을 가지고 있는가에 대한 해답을 찾는 것을 목표로 한다. 이를 위하여 저자는 중국 공산당이 통치 이데올로기를 변형하고 효과적으로 이용함으로써 자신의 정치적 정당성을 유지하여왔다는 사실을 바탕으로, 중국 공산당이 대안적 이데올로기로 현대신유학을 채택한 배경과 현대신유학의 발전과정을 고찰하고 최근 중국 공산당이 제기한 “마르크스주의의 중국화”라는 이념화 과정을 살펴봄으로써, 현대신유학이 현대 중국에서 보이는 이데올로기로서의 역할을 분석한다. 아울러 마르크스주의와 현대신유학 간의 갈등과 이에 대한 중국 공산당의 대응을 살펴봄으로써, 현대신유학이 마르크스주의를 대신하는 핵심 이데올로기로 발전하여 중국 공산당이 지배하는 중국의 정치상황을 변화시킬 가능성과 그 한계를 고찰하였다. 이러한 연구를 통하여 중국 공산당의 지원 아래 급속도로 발전한 현대신유학이 중국 공산당의 정권을 유지하는데 유리한 대안적 이데올로기의 성격을 가지고 있지만, 중국 공산당의 사회주의 정치체제의 변화를 야기할 가능성은 적다는 결론을 도출한다. This paper demonstrates that Modern Neo-Confucianism in Mainland China has become the new ideology to make the Chinese Communist Party(CCP)`s legitimacy since 1990s, but has limitations to replace Socialist theories of the CCP by exploring the relation between the CCP and the Modern Neo Confucianism, conflicts between them and the countermeasure of the CCP toward Modern Neo Confucianism`s challenge. With the Reform and Open Door policy and the collapse of Eastern Bloc, the CCP faced a threat to its ruling due to an ideological vacuum and the deepening societal faith crisis. In this situation, the CCP realized that they needed a new complementary ideology which could suppress the spread of liberalism and help the CCP to maintain its regime. Therefore, the CCP politically began to support Neo-Confucianism, and the CCP successfully made its legitimacy by emphasizing Chinese traditional culture and using various political concepts of Confucianism. Modern Neo-Confucianism, however, has its limitations such as the inseparable relationship with Marxism and the division of Modern Neo-Confucianism so that it has little possibility to become a key ideology of the CCP and create the political transition in China.

한국에 있어서 유교적 경영이념과 기업가 정신

장윤수(Jang, Yun-Su) 새한철학회 2018 哲學論叢 Vol.92 No.2

이 글의 주된 내용은 한국을 대표하는 기업가 몇 사람의 정신을 유교적 경영이념의 시각에서 살펴보는 것이다. 이병철을 비롯한 상당수 대기업의 창업자들이 그들의 사상 근간으로 유교를 내세우고, 경영이념 또한 유교에 입각한 人本主義的경영가족주의를 표방하였다. 이러한 사례는 경영윤리로서 유교사상이 상당한 가치를 가지고 있다는 점을 보여준다. 근대 학문이 수용되기 이전의 한국사회는 거의 전적으로 유교 이념에 충실히 따르는 교육을 행했고, 이러한 유교적 분위기가 지금까지도 한국사회에 강하게 남아 있다. 근대 學制가 수용된 일제식민시기에도 전통유학의 경전을 가르치는 ‘서당’ 교육이 존재했고, 상당수의 한국인들은 이곳에서 기초한문과 유교의 경전을 배웠다. 그러므로 이 시기에 학업을 연마했던 상당수의 기업 창업자들도 유교의 영향을 강하게 받았다. 이들은 유교의 이념에 따라 인간제일주의를 표방하고, 경영가족주의를 기업정신으로 내세웠다. 이러한 정신은 기업을 성장시키는 데에 큰 기여를 하기도 했지만, 개인의 능력과 창의성을 무시하고 전체 속에 개인을 가두어 두며, 기업 자체를 창업자 가족의 사유물로 여기는 부정적인 측면을 드러내기도 하였다. Main purpose of this paper is to examine mind of enterpriser some people who represent the South Korea in sight of confucian management ideology. Including Byeong-cheol Lee, many large enterprise founders cleared that their thought foundation is Confucianism. And management ideology suggested management familism of the humanism which also do root in Confucianism. These examples show that Confucianism has value that is still considerable on Korean society as management moral principle. Korean society followed faithfully in almost most Confucianism ideology before that modern age study is flowed in. Such confucian atmosphere remains strongly at Korean society until today. Specially, enterprise founders who spent a schoolday before 8.15 Independent(1945) suffered Confucian impact strongly. They asserted that man is the most valuable according to Confucian ideology, and suggested management family attention to enterprise ideology. This management ideology contributed a lot of things though is grown Korea’s enterprise although did some contradictory action.

2000年前后韩国社会秩序的变化与儒家思想相互作用的演变

张,青,卿(Zhang Qing qing) 한국동양철학회 2016 동양철학 Vol.0 No.45

儒家思想在韩国社会中产生了深远的影响, 现当今很多韩国人的传统观念其实都来源于儒家思想。然而, 韩国自经历了1997年的金融危机以后, 儒家思想在韩国受到了猛烈的抨击。但是短短几年之后的2002年, 以《商道》、《儒林别曲》等以儒家思想为主导思想的新书问世, 代表着儒家思想又出现了复兴的潮流。本论文的出发点是探寻这种反复现象发生的原因。本文认为在经济危机发生之后的这几年的时间里, 韩国社会发生了巨大的变化, 即:经济危机带来的新自由主义的市场竞争引起了共同体秩序的混乱, 而社会伦理道德观念也在这一混乱中发生了巨大的变化,这甚至招致了韩国社会的道德空白期。另外, 随着十多年的韩国政治的民主化过程, 韩国社会的秩序也逐渐从权威主义转变为民主主义。 本文认为韩国儒家思想的衰亡和复兴都与韩国社会的发展和变化有着密切的关系。儒家思想本身并没有停留在其古代的社会环境下, 而是随着社会的发展不断地适应于韩国社会, 从而在韩国现代社会上扮演了他自己的新角色。本文认为儒家在韩国社会上有两个功能:第一, 它是权威主义的代表。第二, 它是社会道德价值观的源泉。在韩国社会秩序的变化与儒家的功能互动的过程中, 儒家思想的衰亡和复兴都与这两个功能有着密切的关系。从总体上来看表现为两种倾向-儒家权威主义功能的衰落和道德源泉方面的复兴。本论文从学术界、宗教界、文化界这三个方面来探讨1990年代以后韩国儒家思想的这种新潮流的表现。 Confucianism has deeply influenced the Korean society in many aspects and even nowadays, many traditional thoughts are evolved from it. However, after the financial crisis in 1998, Confucianism was criticized and attacked badly in Korea and was blamed as the chief criminal for the crisis. This trend did not last long until only a few years later, books such as Business Philosophy, Confucian Verse got published, which represented the revival trend of Confucianism. This thesis aims to seek the reasons for such phenomenon. The writer thinks that in the years after the financial crisis in 1998, great changes have taken place in Korean society. The new liberalism in the free market competition flew in and caused a chaos of the social order, as well as the blankness in the whole country’s ethical ideology. Meanwhile, Korea’s political system transformed from authoritarianism to democracy. The thesis believes that both the fall and the revival of Confucianism has close relationship with the development of Korean society. Confucianism did not remain in the certain historical period or social environment unchanged. Instead, it adjusted itself to the social development and played a new role in the new changing environment. Confucianism has two roles in the country: one acting the representative of authoritarianism and another the origin of the social ethical ideology. During the interaction between the society’s development and Confucianism’s function, the fall and revival of Confucianism both have a lot to do with the two roles mentioned above. And this thesis is going to discuss these two performances from two aspects: the decline of confucianism’s authority and the revival of its ethical ideology. At last, such performance will be discussed in academic, religion and literature sphere separately.

2000年前后韩国社会秩序的变化与儒家思想相互作用的演变

장청경 한국동양철학회 2016 동양철학 Vol.0 No.45

Confucianism has deeply influenced the Korean society in many aspects and even nowadays, many traditional thoughts are evolved from it. However, after the financial crisis in 1998, Confucianism was criticized and attacked badly in Korea and was blamed as the chief criminal for the crisis. This trend did not last long until only a few years later, books such as Business Philosophy, Confucian Verse got published, which represented the revival trend of Confucianism. This thesis aims to seek the reasons for such phenomenon. The writer thinks that in the years after the financial crisis in 1998, great changes have taken place in Korean society. The new liberalism in the free market competition flew in and caused  a chaos of the social order, as well as the blankness in the whole country’s ethical ideology. Meanwhile, Korea’s political system transformed from authoritarianism to democracy. The thesis believes that both the fall and the revival of Confucianism has close relationship with the development of Korean society. Confucianism did not remain in the certain historical period or social environment unchanged. Instead, it adjusted itself to the social development and played a new role in the new changing environment. Confucianism has two roles in the country: one acting the representative of authoritarianism and another the origin of the social ethical ideology. During the interaction between the society’s development and Confucianism’s function, the fall and revival of Confucianism both have a lot to do with the two roles mentioned above. And this thesis is going to discuss these two performances from two aspects: the decline of confucianism’s authority and the revival of its ethical ideology. At last, such performance will be discussed in academic, religion and literature sphere separately. 儒家思想在韩国社会中产生了深远的影响, 现当今很多韩国人的传统观念其实都来源于儒家思想。然而, 韩国自经历了1997年的金融危机以后, 儒家思想在韩国受到了猛烈的抨击。但是短短几年之后的2002年, 以《商道》、《儒林别曲》等以儒家思想为主导思想的新书问世, 代表着儒家思想又出现了复兴的潮流。本论文的出发点是探寻这种反复现象发生的原因。本文认为在经济危机发生之后的这几年的时间里, 韩国社会发生了巨大的变化, 即:经济危机带来的新自由主义的市场竞争引起了共同体秩序的混乱, 而社会伦理道德观念也在这一混乱中发生了巨大的变化, 这甚至招致了韩国社会的道德空白期。另外, 随着十多年的韩国政治的民主化过程, 韩国社会的秩序也逐渐从权威主义转变为民主主义。 本文认为韩国儒家思想的衰亡和复兴都与韩国社会的发展和变化有着密切的关系。儒家思想本身并没有停留在其古代的社会环境下, 而是随着社会的发展不断地适应于韩国社会, 从而在韩国现代社会上扮演了他自己的新角色。本文认为儒家在韩国社会上有两个功能:第一, 它是权威主义的代表。第二, 它是社会道德价值观的源泉。在韩国社会秩序的变化与儒家的功能互动的过程中, 儒家思想的衰亡和复兴都与这两个功能有着密切的关系。从总体上来看表现为两种倾向-儒家权威主义功能的衰落和道德源泉方面的复兴。本论文从学术界、宗教界、文化界这三个方面来探讨1990年代以后韩国儒家思想的这种新潮流的表现。

공자부호와 기억의 정치

김수연 고려대학교 중국학연구소 2024 中國學論叢 Vol.0 No.83

This study aims to analyze the nature and meaning of the Confucius boom that has emerged in Chinese society in the 21st century. Confucianism was the ruling ideology of the dynasties in pre-modern China, but since the 20th century, the figure of Confucius and his ideas have been intensely debated in the process of exploring the direction and methods of modernization in China. Critics of Confucius have argued that Confucius’ ideas have been used as a tool for pre-modern despotic rule, and that his ideas are not in line with modern society. In particular, they have criticized Confucius’ ideas as the main reason for the delayed transition of Chinese society to modernity and the growing weakness of the Chinese nation. On the other hand, the positive view of Confucius’ thought is that the value system of a society should be based on the culture and values that the society has built over the long term, and that the chaos of post-modern Chinese society was caused by the collapse of the existing value system. Therefore, it was argued that Confucius and his Confucian ideas should be used to unite the people and maintain social order. The different perspectives and attitudes in the debate over Confucius show that the Confucian signifier is not entirely new in 21st century China, but that historically existing signifiers are simultaneously competing with each other. In particular, the current state ideology in China is in a state of flux, where socialist ideology and its carrier (power) coexist and compete with Confucian ideology, creating a free space for various debates on the current meaning and social role of Confucius and Confucianism. The various actors in this space are vying for the right to interpret Confucius from their own perspectives and to create new social memories of him. This is a sign of the weakening of the centripetal force in all aspects of China’s governing ideology, ideological topography, social and cultural psychology, and the value consciousness of modern Chinese people, but it also means that a new social and value order ideology and governing ideology are required in 21st century China, which has basically achieved modernization unlike the 20th century’s modernization efforts, and has emerged as one of the world’s two major powers. It is important to note that nationalism is the ideology that drives the reconstruction of the new value order and governing ideology, and it is in this process that Confucius and the Confucian ideology reemerge as issues. This means that the spectrum of ideas embraced by 21st-century Chinese society, which has already emerged as a great power, is becoming more tilted in a certain direction than the 20th-century modernization process under the banner of anti-imperialism.

道山書院과 寒暄堂 金宏弼 -서원 主享으로서의 의미와 가치를 중심으로-

김영주 동방한문학회 2022 東方漢文學 Vol.- No.93

The construction of Dosanseowon Confucian Academy is a form in which the geographical characteristics of Geochang and the strong and independent spirit induced by historical situations are combined and expressed in the academic field. Kim Goengpil who the center of the Dosanseowon Confucian Academy ritual was praised by Lee Whang as the 'leading figure of Neo-Confucianism' of the time. But also, he is said by many writers to be the most faithful learner of Sohak , which describes the life practice pattern of Confucian ideology in the history of Confucianism, and the best of the origin of Taoism in Korea. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the boundaries of the royal court against the disturbance of Seowon Confucian Academy increased. But confucian scholars in Geochang gathered their will to build Dosanseowon Confucian Academy with continuous efforts over a decade. This can be evaluated in terms of redefining his academic value as an eternal model for the future generation that presented a practical example of Neo-Confucianism ideology. 거창의 지리적 특성과 역사적 상황에서 유발된 강직하고 주체적인 정신이 학문방면으로 결집되어 표출된 형태가 도산서원의 건립이다. 그 주향인 김굉필은 이황에 의해 근세의 ‘道學之宗’으로 칭송받았을 뿐만 아니라, 그 외 많은 문인들에 의해 유학사에서 유교 이념의 생활 실천 양상을 기술한 소학 의 가장 충실한 학습자이자 우리나라 도학 연원의 으뜸으로 일컬어진다. 이러한 인물을 제향하고자 서원의 난립에 대한 조정의 경계가 높아지는 조선후기에도 거창 지역의 사인들이 뜻을 모아 십 여 년에 걸친 지속적인 노력으로 도산서원을 건립하였다. 이것은 유학 이념의 실천적 모범을 제시한 후세의 영원한 모범으로서 김굉필의 학문적 가치를 재정립하였다는 측면에서 그 역사적 의미를 평가할 수 있다.

On the Ideological Tradition and Theoretical Aims of the Rise of Neo-Confucianism

( Fanglu Cai ) 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 2011 儒敎文化硏究(中文版) Vol.0 No.16

理學的興起不是偶然的, 而是具有深厚的思想淵源和理論針對性。一般說來, 理學興起的思想淵源大致包括:先秦孔孟儒學、儒學道統思想、唐中葉以來重視“四書”的思想、宋學義理思想、唐以來三敎互補思想;與此相關, 理學興起的理論針對性主要是漢唐訓诂注疏之學使儒家經學發展停滯, 以及佛、道二敎盛行對儒學的沖擊。認眞探討和發掘理學興起的思想淵源和理論針對性, 對于認識宋明理學産生的歷史必然性具有重要意義。 The rise of Neo-Confucianism was inevitable, for its long-standing ideological tradition and theoretical aims. The ideological tradition of Neo-Confucianism consists roughly of Doctrine of Confucius and Mencius in Pre-Qin Dynasties, Confucian ethic ideology, thoughts on Four Books since Mid-Tang Dynasty, argumentation thoughts on Neo-Confucianism in Song Dynasty, and the thoughts on the complementation of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism since Tang Dynasty. Closely related to this tradition, the rise of Neo-Confucianism mainly aimed theoretically at the stagnation of Confucian Classics caused by the academic ideology in Han and Tang Dynasties, and at the Buddhist and Taoist shock to Confucianism. To explore the ideological tradition and theoretical aims of the rise of Neo-Confucianism is of great importance for us to study the historical inevitability of Neo-Confucianism. [Article in Chinese]