`제국의 브로커` 아베 미쓰이에(阿部充家)와 문화통치

이형식 ( Lee Hyoung Sik ) 역사문제연구소 2017 역사문제연구 Vol.21 No.1

In this paper, Abe`s activities and viewpoint of governance of Joseon as `a broker of the empire` were examined with focus on the early days of 1920s after 3.1 independence movement. With the recommendation by Tokutomi, the president of Kukmin Newspaper, Abe played the role of an unofficial political adviser of General Saito using his information network that he had established while working as a political journalist, and his human network he had set up while working as a president of Kyungseong Ilbo and Maeil Sinbo. Abe went to Joseon 2 or 3 times every year, met Koreans, caught their secret movements, and reported to the governor the movements among Koreans and Koreans studying in Japan and the situation in the central political circles through letters or interviews. Abe went around all the regions in Joseon as Saito`s personal political adviser in 1920 for almost 2 months, met many Koreans, recognized that Joseon independence theory had been developed into the competence cultivation theory, and suggested the governor the reinforcement of political propaganda, stricter supervision on Koreans studying in Japan and young students, and inducement to the competence cultivation theory. On the other hand, Abe not only helped Choi Nam-seon and Jin Hak-mun to publish a newspaper and a magazine, but also played the role of mediating and intermediating the press in Korea and the colonial power. As the journalists he worked with in KyungseongIlbo or MaeilSinbo, or the `neo-intellectuals` whom he helped to make a de- but as a writer, or interacted with, such as Choi Nam-seon, Lee Kwang-su, and Jin Hak-mun, played the leading role in the foundation of DongaIlbo, Joseon Ilbo, SidaeIlbo and JungoeIlbo in 1920s, Abe became closely related to the media in Joseon. The Japanese Government-General of Korea trained the press of Joseon through censorship, suspension of sale, prohibition of publication and etc., and when their criticism of the rule over Joseon went beyond `the critical point`, the Japanese government coped with them by confiscation, imprisonment of journalists, and suspension of publication, but it couldn`t discontinue the issue of Joseonae Newspaper, the symbol of cultural governance. The media of Joseon forced to suspend publication developed suspension lift movement through Abe, and Abe, who had been asked for suspension lift movement by DongaIlbo and JoseonIlbo, urged the authorities of the Japanese Government-General of Korea to lift the suspension of publication as the channel of suspension lift. The press of Joseon needed `a broker of the empire` as a kind of insurance against the suppression by the colonial power. Abe mediated the asymmetric and unfair `infighting` and negotiations between the media of Joseon and the colonial power as `a broker of the empire` in the colonial political space in 1920 where resistance and cooperation were mixed. In addition, Abe played the role of as the channel of petition as `a broker of the empire` mediating capitalists of Joseon and the colonial power. Abe induced Korean capitalists and influential persons to `autonomy movement`, and important Koreans also negotiated with the governor through Abe regarding the matter of `self-government of Joseon`, and had `infighting` and `close combat.`

이세직(이일직)의 활동을 통해 본 대한제국기 정치와 외교

김선주(Kim, Sun joo) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.99

This study aims to enrich our understanding of some political and diplomatic aspects of the Great Han Empire through in-depth analysis of marginal people and events. It tracks down a series of incidents involving Yi Se-jik (or Yi Il-jik), a political broker, as well as ordinary Japanese “brokers of empire” who played an importrant role in these incidents. By examining the case of monopoly licensing contracts secretly made between Korea’s Imparial Household and the representatives of Japan-Korea Cooperation Society (Il-Han tongji chohap) in 1905, it discusses the political implication of this international conflict between Korea and Japan and the roles played by Yi Se-jik and Japanese participants. It finds that, in addition to national leaders, ordinary individuals and their actions that have not yet exposed in historical studies matter greatly in properly understanding history, especially for the short period when Japan breath-takingly pushed forth its imperial ambition to colonize Korea since the Russo-Japanese War.

<연구노트> 청진(淸津) 개항과 일본인의 활동 : 아사오카 시게키(淺岡重喜)의 삶을 중심으로

최우길 한일관계사학회 2022 한일관계사연구 Vol.78 No.-

이 글의 주인공은 아사오카 시게키(淺岡重喜, 1879~1940)이다. 아사오카는 기후현(岐阜縣) 출신으로, 1901년 부산에 진출하여 무역업을 하다가, 1904년 러일전쟁 종군기자로 참전하였고, 1906년 12월 북선(北鮮)의 개발에 착안하여 청진으로 진출하였다. 이 글은 아사오카 시게키의 자서전 『사적 불평(私的不平)』을 세밀히 읽으면서, ‘제국의 브로커’의 삶의 모습을 살펴보았다. 아사오카는 청진에 이주하여, 개항운동을 진행하면서 신문사를 설립하고 일본인회를 조직하여 회장을 역임하는 한편, 경성의 총독부와 도쿄 제국의회를 찾아다니면서 일본해항로개설운동 등을 전개하였다. 또한 청진에서 전기 및 운송사업, 토지구입 및 부동산 사업 등에 종사하였다. 그는 유곽이전을 둘러싼 개발 사업을 둘러싸고 헌병대 및 검찰과의 시비에 휘말려 1년 가까이 옥고를 치른 후 청진생활을 정리하고, 경성(京城)에서 회사생활을 하다가, 1916년 8월 일본으로 귀국, 종교인이 되었다. 이 연구는, 아사오카라는 일본인 사업가가 청진에서의 경험을 쓴 『사적 불평(私的不平)』을 통해, 청진의 개항과 식민이 어떻게 이루어졌는지 살펴보았다. 아사오카는 일본의 조선 진출 초기 대표적인 ‘제국의 브로커’라고 할 수 있다. 이 글은 아사오카의 경험을 통해, 조선에 진출한 일본인 사회 모습의 단면, 지방 헌병대와 민간사업가의 관계 등을 살펴보았다.

多木久米次郞의 조선 관계 사업과 제국의회에서의 의정활동

이가연 동북아시아문화학회 2023 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.75

Taki Kumejiro was born into a family whose business was a fertilizer business, took over and managed it. In 1885, he founded a fertilizer factory himself and grew into a capitalist in Japan. Based on this business, it entered Joseon in earnest from the mid-1910s. He was transformed into a large landowner by making a farm based in Gimje and Mangyeong Plain areas in Jeollabuk-do. In addition, he started his business in Joseon with an interest in forest and mining. Among them, he focused on agriculture and forestry. All of these businesses were closely linked to fertilizer manufacturing, the foundation of his capital accumulation. As was the case with most Japanese landlords who lived in Joseon, Taki also harshly exploited tenants to make the most profits in farming management. Most of them were Korean tenant farmers, but in the end, the tenant farmers caused a large-scale tenant dispute. And it was not just for a living, but also for resisting ethnic discrimination. Based on his reputation and great capital in his hometown, Taki first ran for the 10th House of Representatives election of the Imperial Japanese Parliament in 1908, and was elected. And he ran six times until the 18th general election of the National Assembly in 1932, and was elected. He mainly proposed the 'agricultural bill' and 'rice bill' to the imperial parliament. These were all closely related to the business that he was doing. Regarding Joseon, he proposed to the National Assembly the issue of suffrage of Japanese and Koreans living in Joseon and industrial development. This was all about colonial rule policy. Most of the members of the Imperial Assembly related to Joseon are groups that pursue their own interests related to Joseon while pursuing the interests of the empire. Therefore, they sometimes criticized and opposed the Japanese government's colonial policy. And sometimes they collaborated with the Japanese government. Therefore, Taki must be a member of the National Assembly who knows Joseon well, a colonial lobbyist who communicates the needs of the Japanese people living in Joseon to the Japanese government, and at the same time, an imperial lobbyist who proposes or proposes legislation for his own benefit.

‘조선관계대의사’ 사토 준조(佐藤潤象)와 식민지 조선의 개발사업

전성현 한국근현대사학회 2022 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.101 No.-

The purpose of this study is to confirm how Sato Junjo's experience, who came to Joseon with the aspiration of a 'national project' of invasion and colonization of Joseon and jumped into the development project, led to his activities as 'a representative of Joseon relations'. Sato Junjo was born in Kumamoto, and after serving in a government office, he came to Joseon in connection with the invasion of Joseon by the Kumamoto National Power Party centered on Sasa Tomofusa. Sato's plan was to promote a "national project," but the time was not ripe. First, he worked as an assistant to a Japanese adviser. After all other colleagues retired due to the ‘Assassination of Empress Myeongseong’, they jumped into the reclamation project in Busan, ‘the throat of the Joseon invasion’. At the time, this reclamation project was a project that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Gyeongbu Railway Co., Ltd., and the Japanese Residents Association in Busan were interested in. Sato received support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Genyosa, who were interested in securing a bridgehead for the invasion of Joseon, while attracting the capital of Kumamoto from Sasa and other acquaintances and the capital of Tokyo from Okuragumi to promote the first colonial Joseon development project. After the reclamation project was completed, he entered the tram, electricity, gas, and railroad business in Busan again and established Chosun Gas Electric Co., Ltd. by attracting capital from Kyushu, including Kumamoto, as well as Japanese train, electricity, and railroad capital from Tokyo. Subsequently, in order to promote the private railway business in Joseon, Chosun Light Rail Railroad Co., Ltd. was established based on Japanese capital and Joseon and local capital and jumped into the construction of the Gyeongdong Line. It was reorganized into Chosun Central Railway Co., Ltd. with increased capital for railway expansion such as the Chungbuk Line. In addition, he actively promoted the private railway business in Joseon, playing a central role in the establishment of Chosun Railway Co., Ltd., a joint venture of six private railway companies operating in colonial Joseon at the time. This experience of participating in the development project of colonial Joseon led to the activities of the lower house of the Imperial Assembly. Rather, the activities for this purpose were concentrated only on the proposal of proposals and legislation related to the shipbuilding railway development project and the activities of the special committee. In particular, while contributing to the promotion of the 'Chosun Railroad 12: Year Plan', the largest Joseon railway development project at the time, he actively presented laws, suggestions, and wishes for the supply and extension of private railways by private railway companies in colonial Joseon. Although it was limited to only one activity, it was an activity of the Imperial Assembly that immediately followed the experience of colonial Joseon. In summary, Sato Junjo was not only an 'broker of the empire' who entered the Joseon development project for the invasion and colonization of Joseon and allowed Japanese capital to flow in, but also was involved in the colonial development project with himself or its interests It can be said that he was a ‘colonial lobbyist’ who represented the Japanese colonists in the Imperial Diet and connected with Japanese politics. 본 연구는 조선의 침략과 식민지화라는 ‘국가적 사업’의 포부를 가지고 조선으로 건너와 개발사업에 뛰어들었던 사토 준조(佐藤潤象)의 경험이 스스로 식민지 조선의 일본인으로서 어떻게 그들 집단의 대변자로 명명되는 ‘조선관계대의사’ 활동으로 이어졌는지 확인하고자 했다. 사토 준조는 구마모토 출신으로관직에 있다가 사사 도모후사를 중심으로 하는 구마모토국권당의 조선 침략과관련해 도한했다. 사토의 도한은 ‘국가적 사업’을 도모하는 것이었으나 시기가무르익지 않아 먼저, 일본인고문 보좌관으로 활동했다. 다른 동료들이 ‘을미사변’으로 모두 퇴한한 후, ‘조선 침략의 인후’인 부산의 매축 사업에 뛰어들었다. 당시 이 매축 사업은 일본 정부 특히 외무성과 일본 재계의 경부철도주식회사, 그리고 부산 일본인거류지회가 관심을 가진 사업이었다. 사토는 조선 침략의 교두보 확보에 관심이 컸던 외무성과 겐요사의 지원을 받는 한편, 사사를 포함한 구마모토의 지인과 도쿄의 오쿠라구미 자본을 끌어들여 첫 번째 조선 개발사업을 추진했다. 매축 사업 완료 후 다시 부산의 전철, 전기, 가스, 철도사업에 뛰어들어 마찬가지로 구마모토를 비롯한 규슈 자본에 도쿄 중심의 일본 전철, 전기, 철도 자본을 끌어들여 조선가스전기주식회사를 설립했다. 뒤이어 조선 사설철도 사업을추진하기 위해 다시 조선경편철도주식회사를 일본 자본과 조선 및 지역자본을토대로 설립해 경동선의 건설에 뛰어들었고 충북선 등 철도 확장을 위해 자본금을 확대한 조선중앙철도주식회사로 개편했다. 그리고 당시 조선에서 영업하던 6개 사설철도회사의 합동인 조선철도주식회사의 설립에 중심적인 역할을맡는 등 조선 사설철도 사업을 적극적으로 추진했다. 이와 같은 식민지 조선의 개발 사업 참여 경험이 고스란히 제국의회 중의원활동으로 이어졌다. 오히려 이를 위한 활동이라고 할 만큼 조선 철도 개발 사업과 관련된 건의안, 법률안의 발의와 특별위원회 활동에만 집중되었다. 특히 당시 최대의 조선 철도 개발 사업인 ‘조선철도12년계획’의 추진에 힘을 보태는한편, 사설철도의 보급과 연장을 위한 사설철도회사의 이해관계가 있는 법률안과 건의안, 희망사항 등을 적극적으로 피력했다. 단 1기의 활동에 그쳤지만, 식민지 조선의 경험과 곧바로 이어지는 대의사 활동이었다. 종합하면, 사토 준조는 조선의 침략과 식민지화를 위한 조선 개발 사업에 뛰어들어 일본 자본이들어올 수 있도록 한 ‘제국의 브로커’였을 뿐만 아니라 자신 또는 자신과 같이식민지 개발 사업에 참여하고 있는 또는 그 이해관계에 있는 식민자 일본인을제국의회에서 대변하는 한편, 일본 정계와 연결하는 ‘식민지의 로비스트’였다고할 수 있다.