US-Korean Security Relations: Post-Reunification

( William J Taylor Jr ),( Michael J Mazarr ) 한국국방연구원 1992 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.4 No.1

This paper examines the future of Korea and its security relations with the United States. Unification, it contends, may be approaching faster than many have believed, and irrespective of the timing, unification is inevitabl-the questions related to it are how and when, not whether. Once unified, Korea will undoubtedly face a difficult period of adjustment as it seeks to fit itself into the new security equation in Northeast Asia. The paper examines that transition. It looks at the security envi-ronment in which a unified Korea would find itself, and sketches out a number of potential strategies by which Korea could guarantee its security: an independent militarism, an alliance with a regional power, neutrality, collective security, and others. It concludes that a unified Korea will probably continue to prefer a security relationship with the United States to any other ultimate security guarantee. Assuming that Korean-US security relations will continue after unification, the paper concludes with an assessment of the current challenges facing the relationship, including domestic politics on both sides and defense industrial cooperation.

Is Peaceful Unification Possible?

( William Taylor Jr. ),( Abraham Kim ) 한국국방연구원 1997 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.9 No.1

Peaceful unification under the current DPRK leadership or any leadership under the juche system is a pipedream. For decades, the juche ideology has been institutionalized and entrenched into the North Korean society. Kim Jong-il`s legitimacy as Kim I1 Sung`s successor is based upon his ability to perpetuate this ideology and its socio-political system. To ensure that he is committed to his mandate, the leaders of the Korea Worker`s Party, who also depend on juche for their livelihood and authority, hold Kim Jong-il accountable. However, saving the country from its current economic crisis would necessitate dismantling the intrusive bureaucratic party system and heavy-handed control of the economy required under the juche system. Without addressing North Korea`s economic problems, the plight of the country, not to mention the regime, looks dim. Thus, Kim Jong-il is faced with a Catch-22 situation in which the two pillars of his legitimacy are mutually destabilizing. Ultimately, this dilemma will lead to the erosion of his authority. In the meantime, Pyongyang is pursuing a three-pronged strategy to address its economic crisis while maintaining its juche system: mobilizing its people to endure economic hardship; promoting the Rajin-Sonbong special economic Zone, and soliciting international humanitarian aid to feed its starving population. But, all these efforts have failed to bring any substantive change or improvement to North Korea`s economic situation. And, it is unlikely that North Korea`s predicament can ever improve under the juche system. The United States, South Korea and Japan all prefer a soft landing for the DPRK and peaceful unification. South Korea especially understands that the financial costs of a DPRK hard landing would be staggering. But a soft landing requires North-South dialogue based, for example, on the fundamental principles of the 1992 Agreement on Nonaggression, Reconciliation, Cooperation and Exchanges. A straight line projection of conditions in the North, where almost everything that can go wrong is going wrong, leads to the conclusion that the juche system will implode by coup d`etat, revolution or anarchy. As present conditions proceed tensions will mount on both sides of the DMZ, and at times of high tension, wars can start by accident or miscalculation. There is also the possibility that North Korea could make a limited attack south to envelop Seoul, stop, and sue for peace. This would be more likely if the DPRK leadership were to consider South Korea`s political system and economy to be in serious trouble and the resolve of the Clinton administration weak. Whatever the scenario, Washington, Seoul and Tokyo must prepare for the eventuality of war by taking immediate steps to better defend Seoul and much of Japan against North Korean surface-to-surface missiles, and to improve the air defense and counter-artillery capabilities around Seoul. Defending or significantly limiting damage to Seoul not only prepares for an unwanted war, but also removes Pyongyang`s diplomatic "ace in the hole," that is, its capability to destroy Seoul.

Strategic Opportunities in Northeast Asia

( William J Taylor Jr ),( Michael J Mazarr ) 한국국방연구원 1989 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.1 No.2

This essay suggests that the security context in Northeast Asia is changing rapidly, and that US security policies must evolve to meet changing realities. It outlines what the basic shifts appear to be and proposes a number of specific policy options that the Unites States ought to pursue. In terms of the changing environment, the essay addresses four major trends. First, the Unites States will be forced to surrender to some degree its traditional role as security guarantor in Northeast Asia, a result dictated in large part by US defense budget shortfalls. Second, the USSR and China have dynamic new economic and political objectives and they desire regional detente. Third, South Korea is undergoing massive political and economic change change complicated by a number of specific factors, including trade frictions with the United States, growing nationalism, and the drive for reunification. Finally, North Korea remains a repressive, closed, dangerous state. The authors propose a number of courses to deal with these shifts, all under the rubric of a new strategy for Northeast Asia. The essay rejects calls to pressure South Korea on trade or burden sharing grounds-Seoul has made major progress in both areas, and in fact spends more on defense than any other US ally. South Korean nationalism would also tend to render such efforts counterproductive. The United States should, on the other hand, reorganize the military command structure to allow greater South Korean participation, including turning over command of all ground forces to a Korean General. The United States also ought to announce a phased reduction of its forces in South Korea, and tie that reduction to progress in conventional arms control between the two Koreas. US officials should continue to express strong support for Seoul`s Nordpolitik and for the process of reunification, and should pledge its willingness to withdraw all its troops once both sides are satisfied that the reunification process has advanced to a stage where hostilities are virtually ruled out. These policies would provide a means for the United States to respond both to political and economic developments in South Korea and to Mikhail Gorbachev`s heady public relations campaign. As such they would constitute a first step in reviving US global leadership.

Prospects for the Agreed Framework: What Do We Do Now:

( William J Taylor Jr ) 한국국방연구원 1995 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.7 No.1

The US-DPRK Agreed Framework is generally considered the "best" of a bad set of options to deal with North Korea`s nuclear program. The Agreed Framework has many serious weaknesses, including a delayed investigation of past North Korean nuclear activity, leaving South-North dialogue out of the web of interlocking steps taken by both sides, not specifying what security assurances would be granted, and, most importantly, not specifying special inspections in the document itself. While these inadequacies exist, the Agreed Framework should still be supported. If the framework were to collapse, the best available alternative at that time would be a return to economic sanctions, an inferior, although potentially necessary option. First, the United States Congress may not provide the necessary funding for the framework and the administration might not be able to generate the funding internationally. Second, Pyongyang may break the agreement. Under any circumstances, it is clear that North Korea will continuously attempt to extract every possible extra concession at every conceivable turn-from Washington and from Seoul. In case the framework does collapse, and to encourage Pyongyang to abide by it in the meantime, a contingency plan for sanctions against the DPRK must be prepared. While military strikes are not a viable option, graduated economic sanctions are the best conceivable alternative. If Pyongyang does not live up to its end of the bargain, all major international actors should support this alternative. In order to prepare for this contingency, the United States and South Korea must also prepare more realistic reenforcement plans for the Combined Forces in Korea to deal with the real risks involved in implementing sanctions. In the meantime, the author proposes a number of steps all sides can take to encourage the prospects for success of the Agreed Framework. These include: generating greater bipartisan support for the framework in the United States, repeated requests for earlier access to the two nuclear waste sites at Yongbyon, a greater willingness to use the leverage, both "carrots" and "sticks" that we hold over Pyongyang to deal with their repeated requests for further concessions; and, most importantly, an assurance from the Clinton administration that future US defense budgets will be sufficient to ensure that the United States can fight and win two major regional wars simultaneously.

NMR and X-ray Study Revealing the Rigidity of Zeolitic Imidazolate Frameworks

Morris, William,Stevens, Caitlin J.,Taylor, R. E.,Dybowski, C.,Yaghi, Omar M.,Garcia-Garibay, Miguel A. American Chemical Society 2012 The Journal of Physical Chemistry Part C Vol.116 No.24

<P>NMR relaxation studies and spectroscopic measurements of zeolitic imidazolate framework-8 (ZIF-8) are reported. The dominant nuclear spin–lattice relaxation (<I>T</I><SUB>1</SUB>) mechanism for ZIF-8 in air arises from atmospheric paramagnetic molecular oxygen. The <SUP>13</SUP>C <I>T</I><SUB>1</SUB> measurements indicate that the oxygen interacts primarily with the imidazolate ring rather than the methyl substituent. Similar relaxation behavior was also observed in a ZIF with an unsubstituted ring, ZIF-4. Single-crystal X-ray diffraction was used to provide data for the study of the thermal ellipsoids of ZIF-8 at variable temperatures from 100 to 298 K, which further confirmed the rigid nature of this ZIF framework. These results highlight a rigid ZIF framework and are in contrast with dynamic metal–organic frameworks based on benzenedicarboxylate linking groups, for which the relaxation reflects the dynamics of the benzenedicarboxylate moiety.</P><P><B>Graphic Abstract</B> <IMG SRC='http://pubs.acs.org/appl/literatum/publisher/achs/journals/content/jpccck/2012/jpccck.2012.116.issue-24/jp303907p/production/images/medium/jp-2012-03907p_0003.gif'></P><P><A href='http://pubs.acs.org/doi/suppl/10.1021/jp303907p'>ACS Electronic Supporting Info</A></P>

War as Catastrophe : Jacques Callot’s “Miseries of War” as Moral Meditation

Michael Levine,William Taylor 한국미술이론학회 2012 미술이론과 현장 Vol.13 No.-

This essay examines Jacques Callot’s Les Grandes Misères et Malheurs de la Guerre (1633) as a moral meditation on war as catastrophe. It also uses Callot’s Miseries to reflect on the nature of catastrophe as such, particularly as “An event producing a subversion of the order or system of things.” As such, catastrophe refers less to nature or the natural gone awry, than it does to the abnegation or suspension of moral aspects of human nature. More than a reflection on war as catastrophe, and catastrophe as fundamentally moral, Callot’s Miseries are a timeless meditation on aspects of the human condition; or on human beings in what amounts to state of nature―as evidenced in times of disaster. Such reflection, again, does not by itself imply that all war―even when catastrophic― is unnecessary, let alone necessarily unjust. But it does suggest that artistic engagement with war understood as catastrophic, may yield insights into human nature that are as important to human self-understanding as those represented in artistic subject matter that is more quotidian.

남북 정상회담 이후의 한반도

金學俊,權寧卨,Taylor Jr., William J.,金雲龍 한국지역사회연구소 2000 地域社會 Vol.2000 No.2

정상회담을 위해 우리 대통령이 북한에 갔었는데, 김정일 국방위원장이 남한을 방문하는 것으로 완결이 된다고 봅니다. 현재까지 반쪽이 아닌가 하는 생각이 듭니다. 그래서 김정일위원장이 방한을 하게 되는지, 남쪽에 오지않는것은 아닌지, 오면 언제오는지를 간단히 1분 이내로 세분께 한번 여쭈어 보고 말씀을 듣기로 하겠습니다.

War as Catastrophe: Jacques Callot's "Miseries of War" as Moral Meditation

Levine, Michael,Taylor, William The Korean Society of Art Theories 2012 미술이론과 현장 Vol.13 No.-

This essay examines Jacques Callot's Les Grandes Mis$\grave{e}$res et Malheurs de la Guerre (1633) as a moral meditation on war as catastrophe. It also uses Callot's Miseries to reflect on the nature of catastrophe as such, particularly as "An event producing a subversion of the order or system of things." As such, catastrophe refers less to nature or the natural gone awry, than it does to the abnegation or suspension of moral aspects of human nature. More than a reflection on war as catastrophe, and catastrophe as fundamentally moral, Callot's Miseries are a timeless meditation on aspects of the human condition; or on human beings in what amounts to state of nature-as evidenced in times of disaster. Such reflection, again, does not by itself imply that all war-even when catastrophic-is unnecessary, let alone necessarily unjust. But it does suggest that artistic engagement with war understood as catastrophic, may yield insights into human nature that are as important to human self-understanding as those represented in artistic subject matter that is more quotidian.

Prospects for the Perry Report, American Policy and the Future of Sunshine Policy

Gregg, Donald,Taylor, William,Gleysteen, William,Gallucci, Robert L.,Anderson, Desaix Yonsei University Press 1999 Kim Dae-jung Government and Sunshine Policy Vol.- No.1

Preferential association of a functional variant in complement receptor 2 with antibodies to double-stranded DNA

Zhao, Jian,Giles, Brendan M,Taylor, Rhonda L,Yette, Gabriel A,Lough, Kara M,Ng, Han Leng,Abraham, Lawrence J,Wu, Hui,Kelly, Jennifer A,Glenn, Stuart B,Adler, Adam J,Williams, Adrienne H,Comeau, Mary E H. K. Lewis 2016 Annals of the rheumatic diseases Vol.75 No.1

<P><B>Objectives</B></P><P>Systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE; OMIM 152700) is characterised by the production of antibodies to nuclear antigens. We previously identified variants in complement receptor 2 (<I>CR2/CD21</I>) that were associated with decreased risk of SLE. This study aimed to identify the causal variant for this association.</P><P><B>Methods</B></P><P>Genotyped and imputed genetic variants spanning <I>CR2</I> were assessed for association with SLE in 15 750 case-control subjects from four ancestral groups. Allele-specific functional effects of associated variants were determined using quantitative real-time PCR, quantitative flow cytometry, electrophoretic mobility shift assay (EMSA) and chromatin immunoprecipitation (ChIP)-PCR.</P><P><B>Results</B></P><P>The strongest association signal was detected at rs1876453 in intron 1 of <I>CR2</I> (p<SUB>meta</SUB>=4.2×10<SUP>−4</SUP>, OR 0.85), specifically when subjects were stratified based on the presence of dsDNA autoantibodies (case-control p<SUB>meta</SUB>=7.6×10<SUP>−7</SUP>, OR 0.71; case-only p<SUB>meta</SUB>=1.9×10<SUP>−4</SUP>, OR 0.75). Although allele-specific effects on B cell <I>CR2</I> mRNA or protein levels were not identified, levels of complement receptor 1 (<I>CR1/CD35)</I> mRNA and protein were significantly higher on B cells of subjects harbouring the minor allele (p=0.0248 and p=0.0006, respectively). The minor allele altered the formation of several DNA protein complexes by EMSA, including one containing CCCTC-binding factor (CTCF), an effect that was confirmed by ChIP-PCR.</P><P><B>Conclusions</B></P><P>These data suggest that rs1876453 in <I>CR2</I> has long-range effects on gene regulation that decrease susceptibility to lupus. Since the minor allele at rs1876453 is preferentially associated with reduced risk of the highly specific dsDNA autoantibodies that are present in preclinical, active and severe lupus, understanding its mechanisms will have important therapeutic implications.</P>