Special Issue on the Energy Crisis and Renewable Energy Development in North Korea : Introduction to the Special Issue

Savage, Timothy 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2002 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.26 No.1

Axis of Evil or Scapegoat? North Korea's Role in the U.S. War on Terrorism

Savage, Timothy 명지대학교 사회과학연구소 2003 사회과학논총 Vol.19 No.-

Ngo Engagement with North Korea / Dilemmas and Lessons Learned

Savage, Timothy,Team, Nautilus 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2002 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.26 No.1

LETTING THE GENIE OUT OF THE BOTTLE : THE BUSH NUCLEAR DOCTRINE IN ASIA

Savage, Timothy L. 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2003 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.27 No.4

The end of the cold war held out the hope that the nuclear genie could be put back into the bottle and disarmament achieved. Rather than seizing this historic opportunity, the George W. Bush administration has increased the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. defense policy. In an era when U.S. conventional military power is both unprecedented and unchallenged, U.S. military planners continue to invent new scenarios for possible nuclear-weapons use. Many of the envisioned nuclear contingencies focus on Asia, particularly Chins and North Korea. In utilizing nuclear weapons to maintain and extend its military dominance, however, the United States ends up encouraging nuclear proliferation in response while simultaneously undermining U.S. political interests in the region. Instead of looking to build newer, smaller nuclear weapons, the United States should seek to reinvigorate global nonproliferation norms by moving toward nuclear disarmament as required by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

Balanced assessment of growth disorders using clinical, endocrinological, and genetic approaches

Savage Martin Oswald,Storr Helen Louise 대한소아내분비학회 2021 Annals of Pediatirc Endocrinology & Metabolism Vol.26 No.4

Determining the pathogenesis of pediatric growth disorders is often challenging. In many cases, no pathogenesis is identified, and a designation of idiopathic short stature is used. The investigation of short stature requires a combination of clinical, endocrinological, and genetic evaluation. The techniques used are described, with equal importance being given to each of the 3 approaches. Clinical skills are essential to elicit an accurate history, family pedigree, and symptoms of body system dysfunction. Endocrine assessment requires hormonal determination for the diagnosis of hormone deficiency and initiation of successful replacement therapy. Genetic analysis has added a new dimension to the investigation of short stature and now uses next-generation sequencing with a candidate gene approach to confirm probable recognizable monogenic disorders and exome sequencing for complex phenotypes of unknown origin. Using the 3 approaches of clinical, endocrine, and genetic probes with equal status in the hierarchy of investigational variables provides the clinician with the highest chance of identifying the correct causative pathogenetic mechanism in a child presenting with short stature of unknown origin.

Rapprochement between the USA and North Korea : Why It’s Not Happening and How to Get It Started

Timothy Savage 동아대학교 동아시아연구원 2010 동아시아 : 비교와 전망 Vol.8 No.3

Despite the recent trip by U.S. special envoy Stephen Bosworth to Pyongyang, US‐DPRK dialogue is proceeding at a glacial pace. The Obama administration’s emphasis on nuclear disarmament in place of the traditional focus on nonproliferation has moved the North Korean issue further down on the US priority list. The two sides are currently at an impasse over the sequencing of the agreement, with the US wanting denuclearization to take place before diplomatic normalization, and North Korea emphasizing a peace treaty as the first step toward denuclearization. While a breakthrough in the short‐term remains unlikely, the US can promote its own interests through lower‐level economic engagement that doesn’t violate the UN sanctions regime.

Axis of Evil or Scapegoat? North Korea's Role in the U.S. War on Terrorism

Timothy Savage 명지대학교 사회과학연구소 2003 사회과학논총 Vol.19 No.-

BENIGN NEGLECT AGAIN? U.S. POLICY TOWARD NORTH KOREA AFTER KIM DAE-JUNG

Timothy Savage 통일연구원 2002 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.11 No.2

Behind the arguments between Seoul and Washington over the proper strategy for dealing with North Korea lies a nascent but growing gap in the long-term interests of the United States and South Korea. While both countries want to prevent North Korea from obtaining weapons of mass destruction or launching a war, their larger strategic goals are no longer fully allied. While South Korea seeks reconciliation and eventual reunification to enhance its long-term security and economic prospects, the United States, particularly since President George W. Bush came to power, is concerned with maintaining its global military dominance. These differences not only complicate joint efforts to solve the DPRK problem, but in the long run could also signal difficulties for the continuation of America’s strategic role in Northeast Asia. Given that a military response is not realistic, the only options for dealing with North Korea are either containment or engagement. Should the U.S. pursue the former while South Korea chooses the latter, the U.S. ability to direct events will be seriously challenged. Behind the arguments between Seoul and Washington over the proper strategy for dealing with North Korea lies a nascent but growing gap in the long-term interests of the United States and South Korea. While both countries want to prevent North Korea from obtaining weapons of mass destruction or launching a war, their larger strategic goals are no longer fully allied. While South Korea seeks reconciliation and eventual reunification to enhance its long-term security and economic prospects, the United States, particularly since President George W. Bush came to power, is concerned with maintaining its global military dominance. These differences not only complicate joint efforts to solve the DPRK problem, but in the long run could also signal difficulties for the continuation of America’s strategic role in Northeast Asia. Given that a military response is not realistic, the only options for dealing with North Korea are either containment or engagement. Should the U.S. pursue the former while South Korea chooses the latter, the U.S. ability to direct events will be seriously challenged.

Danger and Opportunity: Implications of Korean Interdependence for China and Japan

Timothy Savage 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2006 평화학연구 Vol.7 No.2

Since the end of the Korean War, the countries of Northeast Asia have based their foreign policies on the assumption of a continuing division of the Korean Peninsula. The recent moves toward greater interdependence among the two Koreas present a challenge to this complacency. Both China and Japan, in particular, have major interests in economic and political developments on the Korean Peninsula. Despite this, neither country appears to have done a great deal of planning on how to respond to the new situation. Largely, this is because of the continued political difficulties regarding North Korea, which have recently been exacerbated by Pyongyang’s missile tests. Despite the setback of the recent missile tests, South Korea remains committed to a long-term policy of increasing interdependence with North Korea in order to prepare for eventual reunification. This shift from the traditional status quo of confrontation on the Korean Peninsula to cooperation has profound implication for Korea’s neighbors, particularly Japan and China. Should those countries remain in a state of competition, it is likely that they will both come to view increasing Korean interdependence as a zero-sum game, with a gain for China being a loss for Japan, and vice versa. Alternatively, both countries could use inter-Korean rapprochement as an opportunity to promote cooperative development in the region, with consequent economic and security benefits. Since the end of the Korean War, the countries of Northeast Asia have based their foreign policies on the assumption of a continuing division of the Korean Peninsula. The recent moves toward greater interdependence among the two Koreas present a challenge to this complacency. Both China and Japan, in particular, have major interests in economic and political developments on the Korean Peninsula. Despite this, neither country appears to have done a great deal of planning on how to respond to the new situation. Largely, this is because of the continued political difficulties regarding North Korea, which have recently been exacerbated by Pyongyang’s missile tests. Despite the setback of the recent missile tests, South Korea remains committed to a long-term policy of increasing interdependence with North Korea in order to prepare for eventual reunification. This shift from the traditional status quo of confrontation on the Korean Peninsula to cooperation has profound implication for Korea’s neighbors, particularly Japan and China. Should those countries remain in a state of competition, it is likely that they will both come to view increasing Korean interdependence as a zero-sum game, with a gain for China being a loss for Japan, and vice versa. Alternatively, both countries could use inter-Korean rapprochement as an opportunity to promote cooperative development in the region, with consequent economic and security benefits.

LETTING THE GENIS OUT OF THE BOTTLE: THE BUSH NUCLEAR DOCTRINE IN ASIA

TimothyL.Savage 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2003 ASIAN PERSPECTIVE Vol.27 No.4

The end of the cold war held out the hope that the nuclear genie could be put back into the bottle and disarmament achieved. Rather than seizing this historic opportunity, the George W. Bush administration has increased the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. defense policy. In an era when U.S. conventional military power is both unprecedented and unchallenged, U.S. military planners continue to invent new scenarios for possible nuclear-weapons use. Many of the envisioned nuclear contingencies focus on Asia, particularly China and North Korea. In utilizing nuclear weapons to maintain and extend its military dominance, however, the United States ends up encouraging nuclear proliferation in response while simultaneously undermining U.S. political interests in the region. Instead of looking to build newer, smaller nuclear weapons, the United States should seek to reinvigorate global nonproliferation norms by moving toward nuclear disarmament as required by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty