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      • 야간고등학교(여자상업) 학생들의 청소년문화에 대한 문화인류학적(文化人類學的) 현장연구(現場硏究) - 미래관과 근로관을 중심으로-

        趙義淑 ( Cho Eui-sook ),張元禧 ( Chang Hee-won ) 숭실대학교 인문과학연구소 1989 인문학연구 Vol.19 No.-

        1. The purpose of this action research is to find out the values of the students of an evening girls’ high school: how their value systems and professional senses are formulated. 2. In view of increasing population of the adolescent laborers in Korean society, it is greatly needed to find out their attitudes and readiness for occupation. 3. In order to achieve the purpose of the research, Y Evening Girls’ High School was selected as an sample institution. The reasons are as follows: the first is that the teacher trainees of Soongsil University have been sent to the institution for many years on friendly terms. The second is that the particular interests of the researchers are concerned, especially the coresearcher, Heewon Chang has completed her Ph.D. in Ethnography at the University of Oregon, Oregon, U.S.A. 1989. In her work on the dissertation: “American High School Adolescent life and Ethos: an Ethography,” Chang eagerly wanted to do a similar research on the Korean students in Korea, and to compare Korean students with American students. 4. Various data are collected for this research: primarily on the basis of the Participant Observation and Ethnographic Interviews, and secondarily, on the basis of a Learning- Habits Test, Questionnaire Form, Curriculum and other administrative references. Two different methods of analysis-qualitative method for the primary data and quantitative for the secondary data―have been used. 5. The theoretical background of this research is socialization: (1) a definition and characteristics of socialization, (2) theories of socialization, (3) four characteristics of adolescent behavior, and (4) the important effect each student’s life both at home and at school has on his/her becoming a mature person in the society. 6. The main body of this research is the description of the adolescent life and ethos; through participant observation and ethnographical interview, the findings of the primary sources of their behaviors show their characteristics. Finding I : Academic achievement oriented way of thinking: Because of generally low standards of their academic records in middle school, they had no choice but to attend evening school. It has given them an inferiority complex. Therefore, eager to get a job upon graduation, they have to make desperate efforts to obtain good grades in high school. Finding II : Other―directed and dependent way of thinking: They are heavily dependent on their parents (mother or other related person) economically, and are dependent on friends for help to share their needs, and also have the illusory hope of depending upon a spouse for their future marital life. Finding III : The way of life is uniformly becoming as a nominalist and a fatalist. Suggestions: 1) As they put great emphasis on the result of the evaluation of academic achievement, evening school students are becoming more acutely sensitive in their inferiority complex and in the trends of materialism. Therefore, various sustaining efforts should be provided on the part of the school and parents for the students’ building up preferable attitudes. 2) A bright vision of the future has to be given to the students by developing their potentialities in all aspects of school activities.

      • 현대(現代) 사회변천과정(社會變遷過程)에 있어서의 가정교육(家庭敎育)의 위치(位置)

        趙義淑 ( Cho Eui Sook ) 숭실대학교 인문과학연구소 1978 인문학연구 Vol.8 No.-

        Socialization is a potential source of change. Every society is faced with the task of socializing its children into the basic culture and, to varying degrees, of providing further socialization of these persons as they move into different statuses at different stages in their life cycle as they mature. The socialization that an individual receives in childhood cannot be a fully adequate preparation for the tasks demanded of him in later years. The family is a vital source of socialization, especially in the acquisition of beliefs and loyalties. In regard to the family, we seem only now to be learning some of the ways in which socialization procedures bring about a greater internalization of parental values. There are three types of socialization that can be distinguished. The first of these is socialization in which legitimate socialization occurs in the sense that it is recognized as needed by society and yet the individual is not expected to have learned the role earlier. The second type can be referred to as illegitimate, in the sense that the individual should have learned the role earlier. Examples here come with greatest frequency from the marital and parental roles: deficiencies which may have been caused by lack of attention to the person’s socialization for this role on the part of his parents; or the individual’s early development. When the need for the new socialization is recognized as legitimate, one usually finds formal institutional mechanisms in society to provide it. The third type of socialization is concerned with resocialization. Here the individual knows something about the role in question, but what he knows is wrong. The legitimacy or illegitimacy of the need for resocialization is desighed to make up for earlier socialization of an unsanctioned kind. The nuclear family is the universal form of family relations, always fulfilling distinctive and vital functions-sexual, economic, reproductive, and educative (Murdeck, 1949, p. 3). The nuclear family is a universal human social grouping. Either as the sole prevailing form of the family or as the basic unit from which more complex familial forms are compounded, it exists as a distinct and strongly functional group in every known society. It is possible to account for the normal development of children brought up in groups that are not nuclear families in the restricted sense. Where one parent is missing or no sibilings are present, children may still be affected by the institutionalized nuclear family role complex, different elements of which are activated by other kinsman, neighbors, teachers, or even more remote individuals. The basic tasks of family life are: (1) physical maintenance (2) allocation of resources (3) division of labor (4) socialization of family members (6) maintenance of order (7) placement of members in the larger society (8) maintenance and morale Family interaction is the sum total of all the family roles being played within a given family over time. Families are also the nurturing centers for human personality. The best summary of the family position can be pointed out in that family implicit value judgments contain three important themes: (1) the notion of the emancipation of both women and children is seen to be identical with the idea of a ^destructive evolution” or ‘‘disintegration’’ of the family; (2) the concept of “the strength’’ or the “ solidarity’’ of the family is viewed as identical with the authority of the father; (3) the “unity” of the family is identified with the prerogative of the husband and father. The 6 ‘menance’5 of disintegration, destruction, and individualism seems to be equivalent, in the minds of many Koreans, to the loss of masculine privileges. Whenever the authority of the male seems to diminish, many of these experts seem to suppose that thereby the family itself has been weakened. Family life in Korea today is in the stage of transition from traditional to new value concepts. Although the influence of western civilization began to appear in Korea from the latter part of the 19th century, it was not until 1945 that such modern terms as {democracy5 “equality of men and women’’, “individual freedom’’, “modernization”, etc., came to the fore. A comparison of modern urban society now exists in Korea alongside a rural society which still retains many pre-modern aspects. However, it is undeniable that Korean society has rapidly changed from a traditional pattern toward a modern one. The modern Korean family is characteristically a transitional one. It may also be recognized that in such an unstable society as Korea’s, social factors other than physiological and psychological factors decisively define the family life cycle. The typical Korean family of the traditional society is a larger one containing many members of different generations. However, family planning became an important national issue, and a nuclear family is being favored by the younger generation. The most influential factor in defining the family life cycle in the Korean family is the rapidly changing society. During several decades, before and after World War II, Korean people experienced many radical historical events which ordinarily might take centuries in other societies-foreign occupation, emancipation, independence, the Korean War, the Communist invasion, refugee life, democracy, self-government, modernization, military revolution, etc. Through these historical processes, various sociocultural impacts are being interwoven into our family lives. Within the complex concept of a rapidly changing society, a problem must be raised: that is, how to harmonize traditional and modern concepts of valus systems in family life.

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