新羅 上ㆍ中代 中央行政制度 硏究

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This dissertation aims to reassess the general administrative characteristic in Silla's Chǒnhahwa(Sinization), to name it as Yi Tang infuse, and to reinterpret the political implication in the context of the structural change of the central administration. Chǒnhahwa here designates obtaining universality in the course of developing national history, and is literally equivalent to what is known as Globalization in modern age. Silla kingdom came to obtain the universal justification in the East asian historial context, in the way of proceeding the reorganization of the administrative system based on its own cultural and historical identity. The history of Silla can provide a meaningful implication to modern scholarship in that Silla's historical trajectory represents the role model for Korean-style globalization as it launched a strategic attempt to infuse Chinese external influence and its own originality. In this regard, this paper seeks to unravel how exactly administrative system in Sang(Early) and Jung(Middle) period was succeeded to the later period with a special focus on the reorganization of Jǒn and Bu. In so doing, one can draw an insightful conclusion that the development of Silla's central administration differs qualitatively to the earlier government as the government endeavored to establish its own mechanism, while adopting to the Chinese-led world order. Under this light, this thesis shed a new light on the current scholarship which failed to construe the meaning of Silla history for the contemporary readers.
Specifically, in order to closely examine the reorganization process of Jǒn and Bu, this paper assessed the cases of yusa·sosa and dongsijǒn·byungbu in the Early period. In a strict sense, Jǒn was first created through the managing experience in Sang-go(Upper Early) period as implied in the relationship between yusa, sosa or fudo which took charge of mul jang go sa jǒn and mul jang jǒn.
It is revealed in the close reading of the document, Jikwan Sang that the order and name of Jǒn office naturally follows Korean alphabet. Interestingly, however, the order of Jǒn's class cannot be organized by its last word. Furthermore, a similar case is not observed in Song and Tang dynasty. Therefore, it is concluded that the heritage of Jǒn can only be traced back to Upper Early Silla history, and is, therefore, related to its own unique tradition.
Gamjǒn whose governor in charge is Gam level officer is to be showcased because it bears the most similar aspect of the offices of Sang go period. Particularly, among diverse gamjǒn, dongsijǒn was chosen because this particular gamjǒn(dongsijǒn) is known for its clear establishment period. Also, this office is an appropriate case to be compared with other jǒn and bu as they all bear some degree of similarities and differences.
Dongsijǒn was established in the ninth year of King Jijeung(508) and took the general task of regulating market. Once created as Do gam which is equivalent to committee in modern age, dongsijǒn's function was later crystallized, and thus turned out to be a regulating institute or supervisory office. Its task was mainly governing the capital, which is also a primary job of a central administration. The office was composed of Jǒn-Daisa-sa and sǒseng which reflect a special trait of regulating market. In this light, it can be said that dongsijǒn is a slight modification of Gamjǒn. Indeed, the basic organization of Dongsijǒn conveys an interesting organizational feature in which the administrative process in reorganizing Jǒn and Gamjǒn is revealed. Therefore, I claim that Upper Early Silla's traditional administrative system is succeeded to the later period.
By the same token, Byungbu was found as a sort of a byproduct of the reorganizing process of military department(nae wae byung ma sa). Military affairs in Yisaguem period is distinguishable in a sense that the commandership of the battle field and the military administration could have been simultaneously held.
In Ma lip gan period, the territory of Silla Kingdom was exponentially expanded and, in consequence, shared borders with other kingdoms. Struggling to win over the governorship of the newly conquered territory, Silla forged a somewhat different strategy from other kingdoms nearby; it sought to reinvent and reorganize its administration system because the expanded territory required an increasing number of officers and a large amount of capitals to control the region. Generals or ministers as Jang gun first came into history in this narrative. They were first institutionalized to become permanent military officers. Multiple approving authorities coexisted in times of peace. That the post of military General who has a tremendous power was institutionalized meant that the government now had a lot of things to take care of to control these generals.
With manpower and resource in restraint, the military office played a critical role in central government and as a result, its task outgrew. Therefore, Silla clawed General's power back, in some degree and endeavored to set an explicit criteria to control military department. Byungbu was created for this purpose.
Nonetheless, Byungbu is not an original invention of Silla because Bu reflects its Chinese heritage in its name. In this regard, when Silla government faced the need to reorganize its military department, it can be argued that Silla took a reference of similar Chinese case. However, the protocol of Byungbu reorganization was fathomed in Silla's unique way so that the realigning process took a long period of time. Allegedly, it was told that Byungbu's administration was characterized to be a reference of other kingdoms and was itself referring to other cases as well. What is more, this military office took the longest period of time to be reorganized among four offices in Jikwan Sang, which reveals that they were some sort of power struggles between Silla government and the military department. However, most important fact is that they finally came to feature the unique Silla's trait. This fact recapitulates the overall process of administrative reorganization of Silla Kingdom.
According to Byungbu's own protocol of the reorganization, its management development can be classified into four phases. In the first phase, two ryung level officers and 12 sa level officers were affiliated to Byungbu. They took charge of general administrative work, meanwhile slowly beginning to face the plight of withdrawal of wartime operational control from the generals which would eventually lead to a strong resistance from them. So that the main task for the military department in its first phase was to look for measures to appease the opposition of established Generals. In the seventh year of King Bup Heung(520), a concrete mandate was promulgated to help these Byungbu public officers in charge and in this manner the reorganization had to be slowly proceeded.
In its second phase, the military department grounded the foundation of the organization. I consider that the second phase of Byungbu set the model for the later phases. Especially, it created its branch to control the navy so that Byungbu took command of constructing the battleships and building harbors, infrastructure, transportation and etc. In some extent, bearing in mind that in the fourth phase of the military government, King Mun Mu split the office in charge of constructing the battleships in its 18th year(678), it is safe to draw a conclusion that Byungbu was larger in its second phase than its fourth phase.
In the third phase, Byungbu held three ryung level officers, three dae gam level officers, two dasa level officers, one no sa ji level officer, 17 sa level officers, and one no dang level officer. A crossbow(no) was invented and prepared for the battle in the 19th year of King Jinheung(558), and was widely used in the three kingdom unification wars. As far as the crossbow(no) was a military weapon, the first phase byungbu was responsible for its management. On the other hand, the third phase byungbu newly established a post, nosaji or nodang, to manage the account book of the crossbows which were increasingly used; this is largely the reason why nosaji level officer was needed. Figuratively, nosaji level public officer is an accountant in the defense ministry. By creating this post, the officers of crossbow accounting became more and more specialized. This specialization in military management significantly helped prepare the Silla-Tang war, as the crossbow was efficiently produced and thus, technology was improved.
In aforementioned Dongsijǒn and Byungbu analysis, traditional administration in Sang-go period(Upper Early) continued to play an important role in the actual reorganization process of the Jung period. While the current academic universe doesn't turn the eyes on juk bu, jukbu cannot go unnotified because it clearly shows the strategic decision making process of the Silla elites. In other words, jukbu is differentiated from jukjǒn in spite of their resemblance in their business. A thorough analyse of the historical document, Jikwan Sang supports this claim.
The administrative document, Jikwan Sang was written with the historial reference point in King Hye gong in Middle period of Silla. At this time, the central administration in Middle period consisted of 44 offices, 207+@ posts and 785+@ officers. The qualification for each office was accordingly set to the criteria of the main six offices. Silla's central administration system is, therefore, operated mainly with 19 gwan wui and the main six offices.
Among 207 offices in Jikwan sang, only 99 offices can be, whether directly or indirectly, examined in an clear-cut analysis; the proportion, statistically, takes up only 47.8%. Nevertheless, qualifications for 26 posts can be estimated by two criteria. One of which is the period of time when a particular office once existed and changed its role with the creation of an office with similar task. Another is the similarity of business characteristic and structure and they continue to resemble in the trajectory of history. I note here the definition of Sangdangwi can vary, however, coarsely translated, it means a qualification, or a condition for the designated position. According to these two criteria, such a conclusion is drawn; Sangdangwi of the 125 posts represents a majority of the posts because it takes up to 60.4% in total.
These 124 posts are then classified into 17 patterns in which each characteristic of 6 main posts(Ryung, kyung, gam, daisa, saji and sa) can be explained. A detailed assessment is as follows;
Ryung is a general of Bu, Fu and Sǒngjǒn or Jakjǒn; Ryung level officer is equivalent to jung si and geumgasin in the hierarchy. Its lowest Sangdangwi is Dae A chan and its highest status condition is Taedaigakgan, Daigakgan, gakgan, yichan and japchan. There are some discrepancies found here but this fact represents the actual difference in treatment, the classes of the offices to which the Ryung is affiliated.
In addition, Ryung level qualification can be classified into what is stipulated in bisangwi and sangwi. Bisangwi is written as 'many gyul suk-held,' however, in reality, seldom the case is found. Thus, I concluded that what is stipulated in bisangwi for the highest sangdangwi is not the real rule for the officers but rather shows the classes and ranks of the offices so that Silla elites distinguished themselves from each other by these sangdangwi. The highest sangdangwi for the Byungbu, Ryebu(the office in charge of ritual and what is equivalent to the Department of State) and Joburung is bi tai dai gak gan, meaning that these three offices bear the highest honor in the class.
The highest sang dang wi for gyung sǒng ju jak jǒn, chang bu, wi hwa bu rung is dai gak gan, meaning that these three departments are the next highest in rank. The departments with the preset Sang dang wi condition are ranked, from the top to the bottom, five Fu, five Sǒng jǒn, Jip sa bu, and Li bang fu.
Ryung's highest sangdangwi is related to the military affairs, rituals(state affairs), engineering and etc, which are all under the control of the main six offices. This characteristic leads us to draw a conclusion that central administrative system in the Middle Silla is not a typical Juk jǒn, but went toward Juk jǒn style orientation.
Gyung is a minister or an assistant minister in Bu, Fu and Sǒng jǒn, and is equivalent to Dai gam, Sang dang, Dai jǒng, Jǒn dai deng and Jang. They were not permitted to wear purple colored official costume so that they were visually distinguished from ryung level officers. According to their rank, the name of their official position is given as gyung or sang dang. Generally, gyung is placed in Bu, Fu and Sǒ, while sangdang is displaced in sǒng jǒn. Sang dang wi of gyung is byung bu dai gam, and that of sang dang is jip sa bu jǒng dai deung. Therefore, Gyung is classified as Daigam level Gyung, which is Gyung and Dai deung level Gyung which is Sang dang.
The position of Dai deung level Gyung is placed in Sǒnjǒn which is responsible for yǒngsǒn and joyǒng. A majority of them are high ranking officials. In this light, Sǒng jǒn is different from general officers. Also, the affairs were proceeded in a traditional way due to the strictness and conservatism of the Dai deung level Gyung.
Dai gam level Gyung, on the other hand, is placed in the general offices. It first appeared in the process of a slow administrative reform, as jegam, which is dai sa became gam and later changed to dai gam, which is gyung; these process can be explained as a diversification heading upward. All these three names used gam in the basic name format, and added je or dai to show the size of power that they exercised. Dai gam can be abbreviated to Gam. According to Jikwan Sang, it is written that Gam was upgraded to Gyung.
Dai 'Deung' level Gyung is the formal name and model of Dai Gam level Gyung. When adapting to the external influences in Silla administration, Dai gam also went through the reformation. While taking reference of Silla government's previous administrative experience, by establishing Dai gam level Gyung, the power and class were finally explicitly stipulated, thereby being limited in its power. As a result, Bu, Fu and Sǒ which all referred to the external elements, now got rid of Sangdangwi of Gam in general offices and instead established Gyung.
Gam is a minister of Sǒ, Jǒn, Guan and Fu. The same class for Gam is Jwa and Jǒk wi. The former, Jwa is an officer to the Gyung in Sǒ and Fu. The latter, Jǒk wi is the de facto minister of Si Sǒng Jǒn. Gam and Jwa's Sangdangwi is from 11th na ma to 10th Dai na ma. Jǒk wi's Sangdangwi is from 10th Dai Na ma to 9th Geup Chan. Taking a reference of Dai Sa as a former model, Gam turned out to be the minister of Jǒn office, being responsible for controlling, regulating and making a decision. Jwa came from Seung and is a secretary to assist the minister in decision making. Gam holds power to approve, however, Jwa, as an assistance, does not withhold such an approving authority. The difference in their names and the clear distinction in their function assume that Gam was administered in the Early period but later diversified to have a different name to meet the diverse administrative needs.
Dai sa level officers were figuratively speaking, middle managers or negotiators who widely exercised their power in each office at the central government. The same position of Dai sa is chǒngwi, zhusǒ, daidosa and daisayup and the qualification condition for Dai sa is from 13th sa ji to 11th na ma. Daisa's fuction is to arrange official documents and governmental accounting books, and also a supervisor to sa level officers.
Sa ji level officers are in the same class with sodosa, jungdosa and sosayup. Sandangwi of Saji is from 13th sa ji to 12th dai sa. Sa ji level positions are placed in Bu, Fu and some other general offices and yukbu related departments, though the number is not high.
Sa ji is very intriguing in that the governmental position(gwan-wi) existed from the Upper Early period was later changed to the post(gwan jik). Saji was established more in yukbu related offices than in general offices. Some portion of sa ji in Bu and Fu is established in the early Middle period. Its general office was responsible for the world affairs, by which it means the general affairs in the confinement of the territory of the country, and yukbu related offices took the charge of the capital administration.
In Tang dynasty, central government represented its world view, and, vice versa, its world view is projected to the administrative system. In this respect, in the early Middle period, in three Bu(部) and one Fu(府) new posts such as 4 jik 5 yin were created to better represent the relationship between capital administration and the world governorship.
Sa ji is not used widely in the central administrative system, and more often than not, compared to Dai sa, is not placed more. This contrast can not be easily fathomed because typical bureaucratic system bears a pyramid structure with less quota in lower ranks. That is to say, sa ji should have been more widely and extensively used because they were lower and junior officers.
This contrast in their utilization comes from the difference in their functions and tasks. Dai sa's name was officially changed in King Gyung dǒk to zhu sǒ and zhu bak, which mean that they are in charge of(zhu) the documents(sǒ). Their general task(bak) was arranging official documents and these officers were not only used for such librarian business but also managed general affairs in the offices.
In comparison, Sa ji is more specialized position. Sa ji level officers also took charge of the government documents but a slight difference lies in the fact that they mainly treated special type of documents in contrast to the general documents that Dai sa treated. Sa ji's official name of the position was changed to the 'won we rang' or to the name format of Sa and Jǒn in addition to their designated task. The latter is found more extensively in the document than the former.
Aforementioned historical development is exemplified in the 'quota' of the central government in Middle period. Statistically counted, the graph shows all the quotas of the offices resemble in two-spine system.
207 posts and 785 officers were placed in 44 offices according to Jikwan sang. The main six posts were placed in 44 offices with 202 posts and 678 officers, while other posts were placed in the 3 offices with 5 posts and 107 officers. The ratio of the main six posts to other posts was 1:6.3, which implies there was a sharp discrepancy in the proportion. Further examination is needed to explain this difference
In contrast to the typical bureaucratic model which shows pyramid-shaped structure, Silla's central administrative structure is indeed unique. Each office held two directors and the number of officials affiliated to the office depended on the ranking of the minister in charge; moreover, the higher office took authority to adjust the quota of officials in the lower office. It shows that the prototype of the general administration after the reform in Middle period was Dai sa and Gam office. It is critical to note that the latter was innovated with the former as a proto-model in mind; similarly gyung and ryung level office benchmarked the gam level. To sum up, the structural change in the administrative system referred back to the proto-office in the earlier age.
Moreover, if you can look at the quota structure formed by statistically counting Ryung, gyung, daesa and sa, it not only resembles in a typical model, but also an extremely stratified structure with two spines; with gam and sa ji representing the pivot point. However, in the de facto management of the central government, Gam and Sa ji's position and task can be distinguishable. Although the two spine structure holds the same origin, the specific cause of it is different.
Since the data on the utilization of Saji are scarce, the cause of the second spine is a task that is left to be further research. However, as far as I am concerned, the problem causing from the 'second waist' that can be thought of in the existing data implies the increase in administrative efficiency through cost reduction. In essence, Sa ji or Sa's task is managing the accounts. In this regard, it is believed that by appointing more tasks to the sa level officers, the government sought to reduce management cost. In other words, to reduce the cost of administrative operation, Sa officer was prepared since the Sa ji officer's rank was so high that they required different treatment which was more costly. The first spine in Gam was produced when the Gam jǒn level offices went through wide reorganization process. Through examining this kind of a thorough rearrangement of systems and ranks of the offices, I have sorted out five classifications in arithmetic scale: 40 offices or more, 22 to 39 officers, 15 to 21 officers, 7 to 14 officers and 7 or less. In the estimation of each group, yukbu related departments convey certain characteristics as follows;
First, yukbu related offices are abnormally large in size. They held additional posts, and their organization is comparatively subdivided. Second, bu and fu's minimul quota is, at minimum 15 and at maximum 40. Third, most important, Silla exercised strong force to establish a centralized bureaucratic country because the number of officers who were placed in jukbu is equal to that of Bu and Fu. Fourth, contrast to the common sense, Sǒng jǒn was small in size. In sum, 44 offices in the central government system in the Middle Silla are categorized into three patterns: general office, sǒngjǒn, and yukbu related offices.
Silla's general administration office in the Middle period is composed of the superior authority(ryung level·kyung level) and the subordinate authority(gam level·dae-sa level). This is an intriguing fact in that it doesn't reflect a typical bureaucratic structure but demonstrates, for which I name, 'two-spine system.' This historical trait informs us that the central government was developed under the principles 'From the bottom to the Top', and 'From the small amount to the large amount'. It is critical to observe that the historical characteristic is found ubiquitously throughout the Korean history, therefore I claim that Silla has set the standard for the Korean historical development. This two-spine system was first seen in the history as a by-product of governmental alignment in Silla's early period when the public office was differentiated by its function and origin with the intent of improving the efficiency in the government functioning. So to say, the functioning of this administration system in Middle period is sharply decreased in the Gam and Sa level and that's why it represents the reform process in the administration because if it were not for this case, the bureaucratic structure would have remained in pyramid shape. In this realignment of the departmental units, lower offices and smaller offices became the target of the reorganizing process. As late as King Jijeung's times, Dongsijǒn shows some modifications and moderations of Gamjǒn, so that the development of upper offices in the administration well overlaps with the Gamjǒn's reform.
In this regard, 'two-spine system' was the fulcrum of the government which planned to reduce expenditures. To be specific, the first spine was created as a result of Gam level office reorganization, whereas the second spine was formulated in the government level.
First spine appeared in the alignment process of Gamjǒn. In addition to the existing membership of Gamjǒn, high ranking official posts such as Ryung and kyung were inserted; it means that two different bureaucratic models were overlapped in one office. This dual bureaucratic structure, if not adjusted, causes troubles because three same posts which share the same task coexist in one office.
The problem lies in the administrative process in which there are multiple official documents and have a number of conflicting authorities. Consequently, this dual structure seriously undermined the administrative efficiency. In order to figure this problem out, multiple approving authorities got disposed of. It was necessary to improve the administrative efficiency by adjusting the position of the offices.
By exploring the creation of departmental units in the Silla government, it can be found that the offices are in relation to the overall characteristic of the origin of the general administrative organization. In so doing, the succession of the state administration from Early period to Middle period of Silla kingdom is examined.
By the same token, Tang dynasty underwent similar administrative reform and successfully systematized Bu(Jo) office that Rang officer took in charge of. It was from late Han that this Bu(Jo) was placed, however, in tumultuous North and South dynasties the offices were flooded without a clear task mission. It was, therefore, in 581 that Su emperor Wei settled this matter out and reorganized the government structure to form six Jo and 24 Sa. In long-durée, if we take a look at the long-term administrative history, Tang dynasty's Sang Sǒ Six offices were developed and realigned to become 6 Jo and 24 Sa.
Silla's central administrative history is similar to this Tang dynasty's administrative development. In this regard, Silla's history bears significance in East Asian context. From the Early period, Silla underwent a diversity of reform and advancement in terms of government management and this administrative transformation meant there was an urgent need to meet the expansion of the territory and the improvement in the efficiency of the government functioning. Jǒn, which is equivalent to the committee in modern age, was a flexible government unit so that it is seen in the large number of documents that somewhat conflicting existence of multiple Jǒn mattered to the governors. To have a resolution for this conundrum, Bu was created but it was merely a tentative solution which only skirts around and evades to face the reality. Therefore, after having created Bu office, a number of mandates were still promulgated and continued to reorganized the government structure.
It was not until King Jin pyung that the government dramatically transformed the departments and offices. However, if it were not for the previous government's realigning experience, the systematization of the government structure in this period would not have come into light.
Presumably, Silla's government system resembles in that of Tang dynasty. However, it is mainly due to the benchmarking characteristic of the governmental office reform in the Middle period and yet, benchmarking itself doesn't suffice to claim that Silla has solely bequeathed from Tang dynasty. We can claim that Silla conveys a unique and singular characteristic, different from Chinese, in that a certain success in the administration operation in the Sang period played a critical role in the formation of the government system and its reform of the later period.
That is to say, Silla's departmental reform is a positively active attempt to identify itself as an independent being. It was a slow process, yet was indeed a progress; King Ji jeung first started it and King Jinheung set the project outline and then King Jinpyǒng implemented it. Later on, Unified Silla also adopted and continued this reform project. Therefore, I argue that the ultimate goal of the project that the regime in the Early and Middle period has outlined, was finally realized and came into existence in the Unified Silla. By the same token, I maintain that Unified Silla is the de facto ultimate regime model for the Silla in the Early and Middle age. That is the reason why I insist that Early and Middle Silla is when the prototype of the Korean administration is set and prepared. The early period's adventurous project was set in motion in the Middle period, when the heritage of this previous generation was actively reinterpreted as a proto-model for the regime.
In sixth century, more specifically after 581, Korea and China confronted with similar reality and administrative problems. Each came up with its own solution but the sharing strand is that they took reference from the past experience and systematically classified and organized the government management; it was 4 Bu 9 Fu and 6 Sǒ for Koreans, whereas 6 Bu and 24 Sa for Chinese. The product of this process is so called Unified Silla administration and Tang administration.
In summary, Silla's administrative history of the development of central government system is based on the reinterpretation of its own tradition, while taking advantage of the external elements. Its plight and vicissitude clearly show how a government system can obtain the universality as a mode of justification for changes. In this light, Silla's administrative history has significant implications as it set a role model for Korean-style globalization, therefore the study of it should be highly appreciated.

국문 초록 (Abstract)

본고는 신라 上代 天下化의 정책적 기조를 ‘夷ㆍ唐相雜’으로 평가하고, 신라 중앙행정제도의 정비과정과 그 함의를 논의하였다. 상ㆍ중대 신라는 자국 전통(夷)을 근본으로 동아시아의 보편성(唐)을 참고하며, 중앙행정제도의 재편을 진행하였다. 이에 상ㆍ중대 典ㆍ部의 재편, 중대 중앙행정제도의 운영양상과 조직체계, 상ㆍ중대 중앙행정제도의 계승관계 및 그 함의를 밝히고자 하였다.
典은 상고기 관청운영에서 기원하였고, 典의 명칭과 담당업무는 한국어순으로 자연스럽다. 그러나 典은 관청의 格을 末字로 분류하기 어렵고, 隋ㆍ唐까지의 중국 관청에서 유사한 사례를 찾기 어렵다. 직관 上에 수록된 典 중 ‘監이 장관인 典’, 즉 ‘監典’이 상고기 典의 原形에 가까우므로, ‘監典’의 사례로 동시전을 분석하였다. 이를 통해 典은 후대의 도감ㆍ현대의 위원회처럼 활동했다가 관리기구로 굳어진 관청이며, 상고기 國事ㆍ京都事ㆍ王室事 등의 재편과정을 보여주는 관청이었다. 部는 兵部처럼 상고기 중요 國事를 재편한 상급 관청이었다. 部는 중국에서도 활용되었지만, 신라의 部는 전통적 요소를 기반으로, 외래적 요소를 참용하면서 발생하였다. 部의 조직은 ‘監典’의 조직을 하부구조로 삼고, 令ㆍ卿 등의 고관 조직을 더하여 정비되었다.
典ㆍ部는 자국 전통의 행정운영방식을 토대로 신라 上代에 京都事ㆍ國事를 재편하는 과정을 보여준다. 신라 중대의 중앙행정제도가 唐制 등 전형적인 육전과 달랐던 것은 자국 전통의 행정운영경험이 반영된 결과이다. 이것은 전수조사를 통해 직관 上의 관직-상당위체계와 정원구조를 분석하면 파악된다.
직관 上은 중대 말 신라의 중앙행정제도가 44개 관청ㆍ207+ɑ개 관직ㆍ785人+若干人으로 구성되었음을 전한다. 직관 上의 전수조사를 통해 중앙행정관직의 相當位體系를 분석하면, ‘令-卿-監-大舍-舍知-史’의 ‘주요 6관직’과 ‘대사→감→경’ㆍ‘사→사지’의 계통별 상향 분화를 파악할 수 있다.
令은 部ㆍ府ㆍ成(作)典에 둔 최고의 행정장관이며, 상당위 하한은 대아찬이다. 관청별 령의 상당위 상한은 관청 格의 고하를 나타내며, 상당위 상한이 非常位에 설정된 령은 六典 하 兵ㆍ禮ㆍ戶ㆍ工ㆍ吏의 업무분담과 연계된다. 卿은 部ㆍ府ㆍ成(作)典의 차관ㆍ署의 장관이자 大判官이며, 급찬~아찬ㆍ나마~아찬의 상당위를 갖는 大監系ㆍ大等系의 두 계통으로 구분된다. 監은 署ㆍ典ㆍ館ㆍ府의 장관이며, 동급관직인 佐는 署ㆍ府의 佐官, 赤位는 寺成典의 실질적 장관이다. 감ㆍ좌는 나마~대나마, 赤位는 대나마~급찬이 상당위이다. 감은 ‘감독ㆍ관리ㆍ판단’하는 判官, 좌는 율령사무 관계관청에서 경의 判을 輔佐하는 佐官이다. 大舍는 각급 중앙행정관청의 중간관리자ㆍ하급 관청의 장관이자 弟判官으로서 사를 감독했고, 상당위는 사지~나마이다. 舍知는 部ㆍ府 등 상급 일반관청ㆍ육부사무 관계관청에 설치되며, 전문적인 장부를 담당했고, 상당위는 사지~대사이다. 사는 ‘官書의 草記’ 같은 기초적인 문서ㆍ장부 정리와 말단행정잡무를 담당했고, 상당위는 선저지~대사이다.
상고기의 전통적 행정운영경험은 중고기 監典의 성립ㆍ재편을 거쳐 중대 중앙행정제도에 계승되었다. 이것은 중대 중앙행정제도의 정원 구조인 ‘두 개의 허리구조’를 통해 관청 조직의 原形을 분석하면 파악된다. ‘두 개의 허리구조’는 신라의 중앙행정관청이 ‘아래에서 위로’ㆍ‘소규모에서 대규모로’란 방향에서, 행정적 효율성의 제고문제를 고려하며 정비되었음을 보여준다.
직관 上의 상급 관청은 상고기 監典ㆍ大舍典을 재편해 하관조직으로 삼고, 고관을 둘 때 사의 비율을 조정하면서 필요한 관직을 추가해 만들어졌다. 사의 비율조정을 주목하면, 실질적 原形은 감전이다. 감전은 대사전이 원형이지만, 령급ㆍ경급 관청은 감전이 원형이기 때문이다. 즉 중대 중앙행정관청은 후대 하급 관청으로 남은 監典ㆍ大舍典을 규모ㆍ직급을 따라 재편한 결과이다.
감전의 재편을 통한 중대 중앙행정제도의 형성과정은 당 상서 6부의 발달과정과 본질적으로 같다. 중국은 남북조시기 ‘낭이 관장하는 部(曹)’가 난립하였고, 581년부터 이를 分司統職하여 당제를 만들었다. 신라는 상고기 多種ㆍ多量의 大舍典ㆍ監典이 병존하였고, 581년부터 이들의 재정비와 행정의 계통화를 본격화하며 통일신라체제를 만들었다. 6세기 말부터 한ㆍ중이 구축한 천하국가 행정체계가 통일신라체제ㆍ당제이다. 따라서 신라의 중앙행정제도는 ‘夷ㆍ唐相雜’ 기조 아래 세계사적 보편성을 획득하는 과정의 결과물이었다. 신라 중앙행정제도 발달사는 한국적 세계화의 원형으로서 높이 평가해야 한다.

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