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Pre- vs. Post-verbal Asymmetries and the Syntax of Korean Right Dislocated Construction
Daeho Chung 한국생성문법학회 2012 생성문법연구 Vol.22 No.4
Among various important issues pertaining to the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean are the basic word order in Korean and the grammatical relation the right dislocated (RDed) element assumes with the preceding predicate. In his series of papers, J.-S. Lee (2007a,b, 2008a, 2009a,b, 2010, 2011, 2012) proposes a mono-clausal analysis of Korean RDC, according to which Korean conforms to Kayne’s (1994) universal SVO word order hypothesis, due to the very existence of the construction, and the RDed element is a direct dependent of the preceding predicate. In contrast, Chung (2008a, 2009, 2010, 2011) advocates a non-mono-clausal approach, as in Tanaka (2001) and Kato(2007) for Japanese RDC, according to which the RDed element is taken as a fragment reduced from an independent clausal element due to a massive ellipsis process, while the head-finality is preserved. The current work tries to show that RDed elements cannot be viewed as direct dependents of the preceding predicate due to various asymmetries observed between pre- vs. post-verbal positions, favoring a non-mono-clausal analysis of Korean RDC.
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Pre- vs. Post-verbal Asymmetries and the Syntax of Korean Right Dislocated Construction
정대호 한국생성문법학회 2012 생성문법연구 Vol.22 No.4
Among various important issues pertaining to the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean are the basic word order in Korean and the grammatical relation the right dislocated (RDed) element assumes with the preceding predicate. In his series of papers, J.-S. Lee (2007a,b, 2008a, 2009a,b, 2010, 2011, 2012) proposes a mono-clausal analysis of Korean RDC, according to which Korean conforms to Kayne's (1994) universal SVO word order hypothesis, due to the very existence of the construction, and the RDed element is a direct dependent of the preceding predicate. In contrast, Chung (2008a, 2009, 2010, 2011)advocates a non-mono-clausal approach, as in Tanaka (2001) and Kato (2007) for Japanese RDC, according to which the RDed element is taken as a fragment reduced from an independent clausal element due to a massive ellipsis process, while the head-finality is preserved. The current work tries to show that RDed elements cannot be viewed as direct dependents of the preceding predicate due to various asymmetries observed between pre- vs. post-verbal positions, favoring a non-mono-clausal analysis of Korean RDC.
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이정식 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.2
This squib is a reply to Park s (2017) advocation for the ellipsis approach to the right dislocated construction (RDC), i.e., the bi-clausal analysis accompanied by Move & Delete under the head-final structure. Park intends to maintain his ellipsis approach against Shimoyama, Drummond, Schwarz and Wagner s (2015) claim that the ellipsis approach produces wrong scope facts (in Japanese). This squib examines Park s arguments in detail and shows that they are not viable. It is pointed out that one of his proposals, i.e., argument ellipsis of the moved object in the elliptic clause, is suspicious in that this object carries focus with it, and that disallowing pro movement in gapped RDCs is just arbitrary and is in exclusion of his argument ellipsis, which is contradictory. Particularly, Park s analysis applies the Parallelism condition in a way that is inconsistent with Fox (2000) system about scope interpretation. The resulting problems rather indicate that the head-final bi-clausal approach to RDCs is on the wrong track. By contrast, adopting the head-first mono-clausal analysis to RDCs (Lee 2009, 2010, 2011a), I show that it can straightforwardly account for the scope facts in RDCs at issue without facing the problematic situations in Park s system.
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A reconsideration of the (non-)uniform syntax of Korean right-dislocation
Kaori Furuya 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2018 언어연구 Vol.35 No.2
This paper investigates the clausal natureof Korean Right-Dislocation Constructions (RDCs) and reconsiders recent extant (non-)uniform analyses of RDCs. Since Korean is a pro-drop language, most of the literature on Korean RDCs assumes the preverbal empty category as pro or a trace out of movement in the constructions. However, recent literature has shown that null arguments can also be derived via argument ellipsis (e.g. Sakamoto 2016). The paper identifies the categorial statuses of preverbal empty categories and demonstrates similarities and differences between gapped and gapless RDCs that Ko (2016) and Ahn and Cho (2016, 2017) do not observe. It argues that a non-uniform analysis is most compatible to account for the distribution of empty categories of RDCs. The proposed analysis receives support form novel evidence based on (non-)parallelisms between RDCs and fragment answers.
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Non-Constituent Status of Korean Predicates and Some Apparent Counterexamples
Daeho Chung 현대문법학회 2012 현대문법연구 Vol.67 No.-
According to the PF merge hypothesis on the formation of inflected verbs in Korean (J. H.-S. Yoon 1993, 1994, 1997, Park 1994, J.-M. Yoon 1996, among others), so-called pre-final and final verbal endings independently project at syntax, and merge with the head of the preceding phrase at PF. One consequence of this hypothesis is that a predicate, i.e., a verb stem aug- mented with inflectional endings, is not a constituent at syntax. Chung (2009a, 2011) attributes some syntactic behaviors (immobility and undelet- ability) of embedded predicates to the very non-constituent status of predicates. This paper discusses two types of apparent challenges for the PF merge hypothesis: (I) Predicates in certain constructions appear to be syntactically active; and (II) a string of elements that is defined as a constituent à la the PF merge hypothesis appears to be syntactically inert. It will be demonstrated, however, that neither type of challenges necessarily disproves the PF-merge hypothesis: As for the type (I) challenges, there are alternative derivations available; and as for the type (II) challenges, the syntactic inertness comes from independently motivated morphological requirements.
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