http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
- 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
- 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : 주승현(Joo Seung Hyeon) (검색결과 4 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
- 유료
-
주승현(Joo Seung hyeon) 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2015 인문사회과학연구 Vol.16 No.4
본 논문은 한반도 분단의 다양하고도 다면적인 갈등구조에 주목하여 분단극복과 통일전환을 위해 여러 가지 모습으로 존재하고 있는 분단의 성격들을 보다 다 인과적이고 동태적인 유형으로 새로이 정립하는데 목적을 두고 있다. 내용을 요약하면 먼저 우리 분단 안에 내재된 중층성은 지리적·정치적(경제적·지역적)·민족적(심리) 분단을 의미하며 다양한 분단이 중첩적으로 누적된 적대적이고도 이질적인 인과관계는 복합적 상호작용에 의해 분단을 더욱 강화시켜 왔다. 중층성과 복합성이 분단의 핵심요인이라면 그 매개변수로 볼 수 있는 이중성과 다중성은 분단과 남북관계의 연계고리로 기능해 왔다. 뿐만 아니라 남북한은 분단극복과 통일지향을 위한 특수성에 합의를 했지만 보다 명백한 이해와 출구전략에 대한 교통정리가 현재까지도 남아있는 상황이다. 남북한 분단의 다면적 대립구조의 규명에서 강조하고 싶은 것은 70여년의 잔인한 분단사와 그 속에서 존재해온 분단구조는 핵심요인들과 그 매개변수들의 작동논리들을 통하여 한반도 내부에 다양하고도 복잡한 관계들을 만들어온 것이다. 이것은 또한 분단과 탈분단의 역진과 도전인 동시에 분단극복과 통일전환을 향한 노력의 일환으로 평가할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to newly establish the characteristics of the division of South and North Korea existed in various forms in a more causal and dynamic manner to overcome the division and shift to unification by focusing on the various and multi-sided conflict structure of the division. The summary of the paper is as follows. One thing to be emphasized about the investigation of the multi-sided conflict structure of the division between the two Koreas is the fact that the painful history of the division for 70 years and the division structure existed in the history have created diverse and complex relations inside the Korean Peninsula through the key factors and their mediating variables. This can be also evaluated as the regression and challenge of the division and post-division, as well as a part of the efforts to overcome the division and pursue the unification.
-
안찬일 ( Ahn Chan-il ),주승현 ( Joo Seung-hyeon ) 한국군사학회 2017 군사논단 Vol.91 No.-
This study examined changes in party-military relationship through power structure and succession process of the Kim Ilseong, Kim Jeongil and Kim Jeongeun regime, in order to clarify how Kim Jeongeun in North Korea has dominated and taken advantage of the party and the military, to seize and solidify his regime for the last six years, especially how status and roles of the party and the military have been transformed in the process. On the basis of the Manchrian party as a political foundation, Kim Ilseong established the North Korean Military before he took over the leadership, then the cult of personality around Kim Ilseong was emphasized within the Korean People's Army. He strengthened party register control for the military through the political committee system during the Korean War, and then, he eliminated counterforce by purging hard-liners and military authorities on the occasion of the factionalist incident, while maintaining and strengthening Suryeong's monolithic leadership, ‘party-state regime’ around Suryeong. Kim Jeongil as a successor gradually seized the party and the military based on the ‘Ten Principles for Party's Monolithic Ideological System’, through his fathers' power and authority. Above all, main consultative bodies and organizations which had played key roles in decision makings in ‘party-state regime’ could not properly function any more, whereas the power of Kim Jeongil was intensified and Military-First-Policy was institutionalized through decision-makings around the National Defense Committee. The party's function was restored by Kim Jeonguen in 2012, after the death of Kim Jeongil, but also the party register control for the military was strengthened, indicating that various measures were tried to institutionalize another type of ‘party-state regime’ by containing the Military-First-Policy'. After acceding to the ‘Chairman of the Labour Party’, the highest position of North Korea at the 7th convention of the party in June, 2016, Kim Jeongeun nominally and virtually restored the ‘Suryeong-directed regime’ or the party-based ‘party-state regime’, as he reorganized national organizations and became the ‘leader of state ministers’. However, it may be somewhat clumsy judgement that the restoration of party-military relationship led to stability of the regime or normalization of party-military relationship. First, the Military-First-Policy as a governing ideology during the era of Kim Jeongil, which aimed to overcome crises home and aborad was rooted in and complementary to the self-reliance ideology, rather than replaced it. Although military authorities's status and influences were reinforced and enlarged, compared to those of the party, chronic and serious degeneration of conventional military strength or economic problems in North Korea could not resolved even by the Military-First-Policy. Second, it was not certain that the military authorities whose roles and status were strengthened and enlarged by the Military-First-Policy kept their spontaneous loyalty for Kim Jeongeun's style of the reign of terror based on purges and elimination. The military authorities and their elites have experienced serious loss of their power and benefits, as the General Politburo and the Military State Security Agency monitored, controled and brutally purged them, especially their material basis including various interests and earning foreign currency was transferred ,and only the specific department responsible for nuclear weapons has been supported and resources have been concentrated on enhancement of people's life and economic construction, since the parallel pursuit of both economy and nuclear weapons was announced and conventional military strength was weakened, suggesting that it is difficult to ascertain if the military can secure normalization of party-military relationship and stability of the regime as before.
-
종편채널의 비즈니스 전략과 북한정보 시장의 공략: "탈북민" 활용을 중심으로
김명준 ( Myung Jun Kim ),주승현 ( Seung Hyeon Joo ) 한국지역언론학회 2016 언론과학연구 Vol.16 No.2
본 논문에서는 국내 종편들의 시사정보 및 예능 프로그램 등에서 탈북민들을 활용하는 배경과 의미를 학제 간 접근을 통해 논의하였다. 북한 관련 정보는 지난 반세기 이상 정부의 통제 하에 있었던 관계로 미디어들의 입장에서는 북한의 변화에 대응하는 조치를 취하는 데 한계가 있었다. 그러던 중 2011년 말 출범한 종편들은 각종 시사정보 및 예능 프로그램들에 탈북민들을 출연시켜 북한 관련 정보를 생산해 내고 있다. 본 논문에서는 종편들의 이러한 행태를 비즈니스 전략 차원에서 보고자 했다. 즉, 미개척 영역인 북한정보시장을 시청률 확보를 위한 공간으로 활용한 것이다. 그러나 이러한 종편들의 탈북민 활용 방식은 북한정보 제공이라는 겉으로 드러난 모습 이외에도 탈북민 집단 내 틈새를 만들고 비판적 이미지를 형성할 우려를 자아내고 있다. 종편을 비롯한 미디어는 탈북민 활용에 있어서 제공된 정보의 신뢰를 담보할 수 있도록 함과 아울러 통일시대를 대비하는 차원에서 신중하게 접근해야 할 것이다. 아울러 북한정보의 희소성과 그로 인한 부작용은 정부의 경직된 통제방식에 기인한 부분이 크다고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 보다 유연한 관리방식으로의 전환이 요구되는 시점이다. The purpose of the paper is to discuss GPCC’s business strategies about producing NK related information and making use of NK defectors. There have been overall political, economic and socio- cultural uncertainties in NK recently and most of South Korean audience have paid attention to NK news. South Korea’s(SK) media have poorly provided NK related news last several decades, but newly born GPCC has taken advantage of the situation. GPCC produces ‘talk show’ and ‘entertainment’ formats programmes. And the defectors are appeared on the shows. But there are bright and dark side on the defectors role of providing NK information. As GPCC’s interest is not in the credibility of news but in the salability of news, the defectors role is limited in the shows. In order to unify Korean peninsula, GPCC & other media should provide the NK related news not by the criterion of business interests but by journalists’ interests.
-
KCI
스콜라연관 검색어 추천
이 검색어로 많이 본 자료
활용도 높은 자료
