명말청초 (明末淸初) 복건 (福建)의 인구 변동 : 영춘현 (永春縣) 도원 (桃源) 유씨 (劉氏)를 중심으로 The Case of Pao Yuan Lin Lineage (桃源劉氏) in Yong Chun County

원정식 강원사학회 1998 江原史學 Vol.0 No.13·14

명청시대 담배의 정치ᆞ사회경제사적 의의

元廷植 명청사학회 2005 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.24

중국: 성씨와 종족

원정식 역사비평사 2000 역사비평 Vol.- No.53

명청시대 복건의 상인과 국가권력

원정식 명청사학회 2000 명청사연구 Vol.13 No.1

明ㆍ淸代 福建 宗族의 祖上祭祀 認識 ― 祈福避禍信仰과 관련하여 ―

원정식 명청사학회 2014 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.41

In Fujian, where folk faiths were prevalent, the ancestor-worship services was an official ceremony with strong religious nature in themselves. Also they were rituals that the lineage or family members could participate in relatively easily to know about their ancestors and identify their family lines, while acquiring family-related cultures and passing them down on. In Fujian where armed conflicts against nearby villages and lineages had occurred frequently while the custom of the lineage or family members living collectively was prevalent, various folk faiths had existed to ease off present tensions and possible future unrests. In these circumstances, ancestors became the object of worship as well as a god who would protect the family and lineage beyond that of respect, and people came to pray to their own ancestors for giving them fortune and protection from misfortunes, which had formerly been what people had prayed for in folk faiths. And the belief ‘The souls of ancestors are immortal and exert persistent effects on their descendents.’ made it possible. Each family and lineage wanted to thrive, and its own prosperity depended on the increase of the number of its own lineage or family members. It requires high birth rate and low death rate. And they thought, it was the matter belonging to spirits, so people prayed for helps to the souls of their ancestors which, they supposed, might know well about the circumstances their descendents were facing. Furthermore, every family and lineage competed to produce more national test passers than others. Under these severe competitions, with strong beliefs in Literacy Guardian Spirit playing important roles in them, people came to think that their ancestors’ souls living in spiritual world would know their descendents’ situation very well and give them helps. Also with a belief that, in achieving great fortunes, Wealth-God and Fengshui (Wind&Water) was important, they prayed to the guardian spirit and tried to possess good one, but they also believed that their ancestors’ helps were also important in it. These beneficial-for-all views toward ancestor-worship services and theology was a vital survival mechanism that people had acquired from living in the times of high tension and conflicts. Unlike common folk faiths, the ancestor-worship services had the principle of “keep close who deserves to be close”, and certain limits had existed on who could be worship-service attenders and worship-service hosts. The presence of the limits on the worship-service attenders and worship-service hosts implies that only those attenders and hosts could enjoy the exclusive rights to the Fortunes Attained-by-ancestors’ Assistance, and the Helps Given-By-Ancestors. For this reason, in the worshiping services, it became the most important to decide who would be the ancestor that deserves to be given services and who would hold the ceremony. Also it was the most important principle in unifying lineage or family members into one. Later, the principle of “keep close who deserves to be close” had been systematized further as the theories of the strict blood line, the inheritance of ancestors’ spirits and the possession of the same soul between ancestors and descendents, while the belief took roots that the spirits of ancestors would accept the services held by the descendents who succeeded their blood lines, sharing the same spirit. Also, people made it possible to unify lineage or family members together by describing the father-son and ancestor-descendent as ‘one soul’ or ‘one body’, distinguishing themselves from others. The principle of repaying, which had originated from the principle that ancestor-worship services should be given to the greatly contributed ancestors, applied to the ancestor-worship services of each family and lineage. Especially, the act of repaying done by descendents for the contributions done by parents had been systemized as filial-ism, and peop...

明ㆍ淸代 福建 宗族의 成長과 地域神 ― 詔安縣 沈氏宗族을 중심으로 ―

원정식 명청사학회 2017 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.47

Currently, the Zhaoan Shen clan consists of five branches, including the Guanyinshan, Dongshen, Qíshān, Julin Branches from Lord Qui Lineage as well as the Taiping branch from Lord Zhi Lineage, while the Taiping branch is believed to belong to the clan in the late 20th century. It is presumed that the forming of the 4 branches from Lord Qui Lineage happened in the early 15th century, because the preface of the Chenghua family’s genealogy log cleary states the 4 branches and their 13 families when the genealogy log was republished after it had been lost in fire in the middle of the 15th century. In the second half of the 16th century, the Zhaoan Shen clan secured its status in the community, and its representative was Shen Fu. As a iinshi, Shen Fu actively participated in local activities such as roads, bridges, or religious facility constructions, and thus he played a vital role in forming of the genealogy of the clan, including organizing and spreading of lineage or verifying of the lineal oder of Danji (Zhou) → Yingchang (Later Han) → Taiyilang (Qui in Southern Song). Among the things happened in those days, it is noteworthy that anti-Yuan activities of Shen Zizhen and his brother during the Song-Yuan transition period and region-saving activities of Shen Zhou in the Deng Maoqi rebellion (1448∼1449) during the mid Ming period were listed in the Zhangzhou Regional History published in the first year of the Wanli era (1573). It is also notable that the statue of Shen Shiji was enshrined in the Zhenjunmiao Tomb (Cijigong palace at that time) after the 6 Generals Shrine had fire, and began to be worshiped. It was in the 18th century that the story about the Wudehou (Martial Virtue Lord) named Shen Shiji emerged on the genealogy. In its center lies the Dongshen branch, whose formation was relatively late than other branches. The Dongshen branch held Martial Virtue Lord as the clan progenitor and claimed the lineal order of Shen Yingchang → Shen Shiji → Shen Qiu. It is assumed that the Dongshen branch, as a late mover, tried to show that they were a powerful clan by claiming their clan progenitor to be Shen Shiji, one of Kaizhang Gongchen (meritoriously serviced officers in developing Zhangzhou) in the cult of Chen Yuanguang who was widely worshiped at that time. Especially, they highlighted Wudehou not only as a military general by giving stress on his great contribution to the development of Zhangzhou, but also as a civil officer by pointing his contributions in conducting various civil works for common people. It is not clear when the Guanyinshan, Qishan, and Julin Branches, which had not recognized Wudehou as their direct ancestor, came to accept him, but it is presumed to be in the 18th or the 19th century. To unit the Zhaoan Shen clan which had tendency to split into various factions owing to the large number of its population, it was needed to accept hearts of clan members who favored the symbol of “Wudehou” than uncertain lineal order of Shen Shiji → Shen Qiu, which led to choosing Wudehou as the clan progenitor, creating the motive to unit the clan. The check-touring activity of Wudehou is a specific expression of it. The massive check-touring rituals of visiting around each local village for a few months create the sense of unity even to illiterate clan members through their seeing, hearing, and participating in it. 이 글은 복건성 조안현의 최대 성씨인 심씨종족의 성장과정에서 나타난 태시조 무덕후 숭배 현상을 검토함으로써 종족 성장과 종족의 태시조 신앙의 관련성을 밝히고자 하는 것이다. 현재 조안심씨는 楸公觀音山房、東沈房、岐山房、桔林房과 枝公太平房의5개 방으로 구성되어 있다. 태평산방이 포함된 것은 20세기 후반이 아닐까 생각된다. 추공계 4개 파로 정리된 것은 15세기 초로 추정되는 데, 15세기 중반에 불탄 족보와 15세기 후반에 새로 편찬된 성화보에서 이 4개 파 13호를 명시하였기 때문이다. 16세기 후반은 조안심씨종족이 지역사회에서 위상을 확보하는 시기이고 그 대표자가 심부이다. 심부는 진사로서 도로 건설, 교량 건설, 종교시설 건축 등 지역사회 활동이 활발하였고, 더불어 종법 정리와 확산, ‘聃季 → 한의 英昌 → 남송 太乙郞’이란 종족의 계보 확립 등 종족 형성에 중요한 활동을 하였다. 무덕후 심세기가 본격적으로 족보에 등장한 것은 18세기이고 그 주체는 상대적으로 늦게 출발한 동심방이다. 동심방은 무덕후를 태시조로 삼고 ‘심영창 → 심세기 → 심추’로 이어지는 계보를 제시하였다. 후발주자인 동심방은 당시 숭배되고 있는 진원광 신앙 속에서 개장공신의 일원인 심세기를 태시조를 삼음으로써 유력 종족임을 과시하고자 하였다. 특히 무덕후는 무장으로서 장주 개척에 이바지한 바가 큰 점을 부각시키는 한편 백성을 위한 다양한 사업을 한 공로를 부각시켜 문신으로서의 면모까지 보완하였다. 무덕후를 직접 조상으로 인정하지 않던 觀音山房、岐山房、桔林房이 무덕후를 받아들이는 시기는 늦어서 19세기로 추정된다. 많은 인구와 다양한 방파로 인해 분열성이 강한 조안심씨종족이 결집을 위해서는 계보적 불확실성을 가진 심세기→심추의 관계보다는 믿음의 대상으로 부각된 ‘무덕후’란 상징을 선호하는 족원들에 호응하여 무덕후를 태시조로 확정함으로써 종족 결집의 동력을 이끌었다. 무덕후의 순안활동은 그 구체적 표현이다. 각 향촌을 돌면서 몇 개월 진행되는 대규모 순안 의례는 글 한줄 모르는 족원이라도 보고 듣고 참여하는 과정을 통해 일체감을 갖고 결집하게 되었다.

明代 福建 詔安縣의 寇亂과 陳元光 崇拜

원정식 명청사학회 2019 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.51

The raids and disturbance(寇亂) in Zhaoan(詔安) was the background of Chenyuanguang(陳元光) emergence. In 686, when the boundary people of Fujian and Guangdong started to stir up, Tang dynasty sent troops to suppress it, and in the process, Zhuangzhou(漳州) was established and Chenyuanguang worship began. Song dynasty which was in conflict with powerful Yao, Jin and Yuan, added various kinds of the Title to Chenyuanguang. Jiangjun shrine(將軍廟) of the Liangfengsan(良峰山) was the center of worship at Chenyuanguang in the Joan area. It is estimated that the construction of Nanzhao(南詔) fortress was built in 1354 when anti-Yuan forces broke out in Tingzhou(汀州) and Zhangzhou. However, in the Ming Dynasty, it sought to establish a Confucian order, and applied it to the private spirits, so that it demoted the title of Chenyuanguang to “Zhaolie hou(昭烈侯)”. Even in the 15th century of the Great Rebellion and the 16th century of the Jiating(嘉靖) wokou raids, there was no such story of Chenyuanguang's spirituality in Zhaoan hyun. In order to prevent the raids and disturbances, the Ming dynasty established the Zhaoan county, the sih-dian(祀典) system was reorganized and the magistrate of a county were in charge of the rites in the Jiangjun shrine. With the outbreak of the Jiating wokou disturbance, and the destruction of the Jiangjun shrine, a change has taken place in the Chenyuanguang faith of Zhaoan county. Residents began to relive the worship of the god Chenyuanguang, watching the scene of a disaster in which he could not even protect his shrine. Residents worshipped the reopening of Chenyuanguang's family and department as guardian deities, resulting in the protection of Chenyuanguang for villages and clans. On the other hand, state power intended to accommodate the religious needs of changing residents, so as to stabilize the community and establish order. Its representative activity was to reconstruct the pre-system of Zhaoan county by rebuilding the destroyed Chenyuanguang shrine. The main characters were Litianzha(黎天祚) who was appointed as the magistrate of a county in 1602, and Zhutongyuan(朱統鈨) who took office in 1640. Although Litianzha failed to rebuild, Zhutongyuan, in the midst of the crisis of Ming-Qing replacement, led to the cooperation of the Xu(許) clan, and rebuilt the general's shrine in the castle and operated it as a the sih-dian system. With the outbreak of the the Jiating wokou disturbance, and the destruction of the Jiangjun shrine of the Liangfengsan, a change has taken place in the Chenyuanguang faith of Zhaoan county. Residents began to relive the worship of the god Chenyuanguang, watching the scene of a disaster in which he could not even protect his shrine. Residents worshipped the reopening of Chenyuanguang's family and department as guardian deities, resulting in the protection of Chenyuanguang for villages and clans. On the other hand, state power intended to accommodate the religious needs of residents, so as to stabilize the community and establish the social order. Its representative activity was to reconstruct the pre-system of Zhaoan county by rebuilding the destroyed Chenyuanguang shrine. The main characters were Litianzha who was appointed as the magistrate of a county in 1602, and Zhutongyuan who took office in 1640. Although Litianzha failed to rebuild, Zhutongyuan, in the midst of the crisis of Ming-Qing replacement, led to the cooperation of the Xu clan, and rebuilt the Jiangjun shrine in the city castle and operated it as a the sih-dian system. In addition, with the increasing number of soldiers in the Zhaoan county, Guanyu(關羽) worship appeared, and amid the danger of fall by the Japanese invasion, Gongyoucheng(龔有成) caused a stir in Guanyuism. After the destruction of the Xuanzhong(懸鍾) fortress by the Qianjie(遷界) decree, the two wumiao(武廟) systems were established by transferring the statue of Guanyu to Zhaoan. I...

明ㆍ淸代 福建 宗族의 神靈崇拜 ― 종족의 생존전략과 관련하여 ―

원정식 명청사학회 2018 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.49

명ㆍ청대 복건 종족은 엘리트와 일반 족원이란 두 바퀴로 달리는 자전거와 같았다. 이는 복건의 유동적이고 불안정한 사회경제적 환경에서 종족이 지속적 생존과 번영을 위하여 선택한 결과의 하나였다. 복건 사회는 당ㆍ송대 이래로 귀신을 좋아하고 음사가 발달하고 각종 민간 신앙이 성행하였고, 명ㆍ청대 사회적 불안이 심화되면서 민간 신앙 활동이 더욱 일상화,집단화, 민중화되었다. 이에 각종 신묘의 증가뿐만 아니라 이들 종사나 가묘조차 종교적 기능이 강화되었다. 종족은 족원들이 신봉하는 신령을 적극 수용하여 사묘를 건설하기도 하고 조상의 위패를 봉안하는 종사나 가묘에 족원들이 믿는 신령을 모시고 각종 종교 행사를 거행하기도 하였다. 또 자신의 성씨와 일치하는 신령의 위패나 신상을 봉안하거나, 자신들과 계보가 같지 않아도 사회적으로 신격을 인정받은 같은 신령을 자신들의 조상으로 삼아 종족 결집에 활용하기도 하였다. 사당은 공간이 제한되어 모든 신령을 모실 수 없었으므로 신령의 영험성, 기능, 인지도, 중요성 및 구성원의 영향력 등을 고려하여 입사를 결정하지 않을 수 없었다. 절충과 타협은 민간사회에서 흔히 볼 수 있는 문제 해결의 방식이었고 신령의 입사 과정에도 이 원칙이 적용되었다. 이에 사묘도 조상의 위패만 모신 전형적인 유교적 사당, 조상 위패와 더불어 복덕정신과 문창제군 등 소수의 신령만 모신 사당, 만신전과 같은 사당, 한 조상이나 신령을 모시는 전사 등 다양하게 되었다. 지역사회는 인적 구성이 복잡하여 새로운 결속 방법이 필요했으며 그 가운데 대표적이 것이 공동의 종교 활동이었다. 이 글에서는 검토한 세 가지 사례는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 산지의 다성 촌락인 政和縣 禾洋村의 사례다. 李姓은 이 지역의 유력 종족이지만 명성 있는 타 성씨의 신령[張巡]을 자신들의 보호신으로 삼고, 또 촌락의 공동신으로 승화시킴으로써 혈연과 계보에서 발생하는 갈등을 해소하고 타성씨들을 포용하는 동시에 그 속에서 자신들의 위상도 높였다. 둘째, 산지의 다성 지역인 南靖縣 書洋鄕 蕭姓 지역 사례다. 한 성[蕭姓]이 중심이긴 하지만 여러 성씨가 한 촌락에 거주하거기도 하고 동일 하천 연변의 여러 단성 촌락에서 살기도 하였는데, 이주 시기가 비슷하여 오랫동안 함께 믿어온 공통 신령[保生大帝, 등]에 대한 숭배 행사을 통하여 상호협력과 단결을 확보하였다. 셋째, 20개 가까운 성씨들이 모여 사는 향촌 도시 甘棠堡다. 이곳은 종족의 독자적 사묘, 소수 종족의 공동 사묘, 전체 주민 공동 사묘 등 종교적 수요나 종족별 필요에 따라 다양한 사묘 건립과 운영 형태가 공존하였다. 이는 감당보 내에 종족간의 경쟁과 분열 가능성이 엄존함을 보여 보여주는 것이다. 동시에 공통 사묘[天后廟, 虎馬將軍宮 등]의 건립과 운영을 통해 감당보 내부의 경쟁과 갈등을 조정하고 종족간의 협력을 유지할 수 있었다. 끝으로 신령 탄생일이나 절기에 행하는 집단적인 종교 행사[遊香, 巡安, 進香 등]는 종교 행사를 넘어 해당 종족이나 지역 주민을 결집하고 자신들의 세력을 대내외적으로 과시하는 정치적 행위였다. 그리고 행사를 위한 연락망 유지, 일정과 경로 확정, 비용 결정 및 징수, 대오 편성과 조직화, 지휘와 운영 등은 모두 종족과 지역사회의 조직 역량과 동원 역량을 유지하고 증강시키는 훈련이라고 할 수 있다. The Fujian lineages(宗族) in Ming-Qing period was like a bicycle running on two wheels: the elite and the general public. This was one of the results that the lineages made for sustained survival and prosperity in the fluid and unstable socio-economic environment of Fujian. Fujian society has loved ghosts and the sacrifice to unjust ghosts has developed and various folk faiths have been popular since the Tang and Song Dynasty. As the disquiet became more widespread, the activities of folk faith became more common, collective, and popularized. As a result, not only did the number of shrines increase, but also the religious functions of lineage’s shrines were strengthened. The clans actively accepted the gods that the general public believed. The clans has built the shrine for the gods that the general public adhere to, enshrined the gods in the ancestors shrine, and held various religious events. Also, they enshrined the statue of gods of their surname. Even though they do not have the same lineage, the gods that has been recognized in public accepted as their ancestor, and has been used for the gathering of lineage member. Since the shrine was limited in space and could not enshrine all gods, it was necessary to decide to take into consideration spirituality, function, awareness, importance, and influence etc. Compromise were common ways of solving problems in chinese civil society and this principle was applied to the process of enshrining the god. Therefore, in addition to the typical Confucian shrine that only enshrined the ancestral tablets, shrine became various, as the shrine of the ancestors and few gods, the shrine for one god, the Pantheon etc. The community needed a new way of tie-up due to the complexity of the inhabitant. The following three cases were reviewed. First, it is the case of Zhenghexian(政和縣) Heyangcun(禾洋村), a several village in the mountainous region. Though Clan Lee was strong in one area, they made the famous Zhangxun(張巡) the guardian god of them. They sublimated Changsun Shin to common god in the village, thereby solving conflicts in bloodline and genealogy, embracing the inhabitants of the village, and increasing their status. Secondly, it is the case of the Nanjingxian(南靖縣) Shuyangxiang(書洋鄕) Xiaoxing(蕭姓) Community in the mountains. Although the area is centered on one surname[蕭姓], several surnames reside in one village or also live in several one-surname villages on the same river. The their migration period is similar, and they have long believed in a common gods [Baoshengdadi(保生大帝), etc.] and secured mutual cooperation and unity through worship activities for gods. Third, it is a small city Gantangbao(甘棠堡) with a population of about 20. There were various shrines, namely a lineage's single shrine, a minority lineage's common shrine, a common shrine for the entire population, etc, and the construction and operation of shrines also is various in accordance with the religious needs and needs of the lineage groups. This shows that between lineages competition and possibility of fragmentation exist in Gantangbao. At the same time, through the common shrine of the whole inhabitants, the competition and conflict within Gantangbao were coordinated and cooperation among the lineage groups could be maintained. Finally, beyond the religious ceremonies, the collective religious activities [youxiang(遊香), xunan(巡安), jinxiang(進香) etc.] that are performed on the birthday or the feast of the gods were political activities that mobilized the lineage’s member and local people, and showed off their power both inside and outside. The organization and operation of events such as network maintenance, scheduling and routing, cost determination and collection, pilgrimage organization are all training to maintain and enhance the organizational and mobilization capacities of llineages and communities.

明代 福建 新縣의 社會ㆍ文化的 變化 ― 縣城을 중심으로 ―

원정식 명청사학회 2011 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.35

During the middle of Ming, the walled district cities of the new districts in Fujian, became nucleuses newly rising in the areas remote from the existing walled district cities. As a regional center, the status of each walled district city varied according to the land size it controled, and the number of towns in it, and its location and land size were marked on maps. On the maps, each district was marked by a symbol of wall like existing districts, and it was listed along with the name of its district school, which made it clear that it was not only a independent unit of tax collection but also a unit of social education producing students and praying for Confucius and saints. In a walled district city, there were city walls, a district office, and a district school, and each of them was its geological, political, and cultural center, so it functioned as a symbol of civilization, a cultural center, an embodiment of national authority, and a shelter in times of troubles. They could be possible because, of all things, its wall marked its boundary and functioned as its defence measures. The seat of a district, when it had not been protected by walls, had lacked the measure for its defence, which had brought social unrests, decrease of population, and consequently no social education had been possible, thus it had been called 'vulgar district'. But once the walls were constructed, owing to construction of social overhead structures such as roads and bridges, establishments of social welfare systems, increase in the number of streets and markets, with growth in population and various people composing it, it became the center of economy and welfare, and all of these show the features of the walled district city. The center in walled district city was the district office and school, and its leader was called district magistrates. As the emperor's representatives, district magistrates had powerful influence on politics and culture in the district, but their governing power was limited because of their regular transfers, and a system which banned the appointment of officials to their native areas, and short financial resources. So they utilized the local influentials such as the upright people or the gentry when doing construction or building works or in relieving the sufferers and the indigent, and they prompted their voluntary participation by granting them tax exemption charters or praising them by setting their name tablets in the district shrine of honor or listing their names in the chapters of biographies in the history of the district, and all of these facts show aspects of the relationships between them. In turn the local influentials had chances to participate in various works, consequently they were granted authority from the government powers. They raised their status in the new district while intensifying their lineal unity so that they could even defy the government authority. Thus, district magistrates tried to maintain stable governing by practicing bad-cop measures, the laws and authority, symbolized by the district offices, aiming to suppress strong-influentials and local-officials, as well as good-cop measures, the spread of confucian culture through education, symbolized by schools. There are lots of books which lay great importance on the district magistrates's personal abilities and emphasizing not only their humane-governing but also courteous-governing, and it shows the situation that district magistrates had faced. The union between the government authority and local influentials brought out the emerging of a group of people called the gentry, and as the influentials in the community, they became the spearheads in the district in carrying out the national policies and spreading the confucian cultures. It was the gentry who diffused the confucian way of funeral, and 3 years attendance on the parent's tombs. Their role could be seen in the fact that the diffusion of confucian culture had been feeble in th... During the middle of Ming, the walled district cities of the new districts in Fujian, became nucleuses newly rising in the areas remote from the existing walled district cities. As a regional center, the status of each walled district city varied according to the land size it controled, and the number of towns in it, and its location and land size were marked on maps. On the maps, each district was marked by a symbol of wall like existing districts, and it was listed along with the name of its district school, which made it clear that it was not only a independent unit of tax collection but also a unit of social education producing students and praying for Confucius and saints. In a walled district city, there were city walls, a district office, and a district school, and each of them was its geological, political, and cultural center, so it functioned as a symbol of civilization, a cultural center, an embodiment of national authority, and a shelter in times of troubles. They could be possible because, of all things, its wall marked its boundary and functioned as its defence measures. The seat of a district, when it had not been protected by walls, had lacked the measure for its defence, which had brought social unrests, decrease of population, and consequently no social education had been possible, thus it had been called 'vulgar district'. But once the walls were constructed, owing to construction of social overhead structures such as roads and bridges, establishments of social welfare systems, increase in the number of streets and markets, with growth in population and various people composing it, it became the center of economy and welfare, and all of these show the features of the walled district city. The center in walled district city was the district office and school, and its leader was called district magistrates. As the emperor's representatives, district magistrates had powerful influence on politics and culture in the district, but their governing power was limited because of their regular transfers, and a system which banned the appointment of officials to their native areas, and short financial resources. So they utilized the local influentials such as the upright people or the gentry when doing construction or building works or in relieving the sufferers and the indigent, and they prompted their voluntary participation by granting them tax exemption charters or praising them by setting their name tablets in the district shrine of honor or listing their names in the chapters of biographies in the history of the district, and all of these facts show aspects of the relationships between them. In turn the local influentials had chances to participate in various works, consequently they were granted authority from the government powers. They raised their status in the new district while intensifying their lineal unity so that they could even defy the government authority. Thus, district magistrates tried to maintain stable governing by practicing bad-cop measures, the laws and authority, symbolized by the district offices, aiming to suppress strong-influentials and local-officials, as well as good-cop measures, the spread of confucian culture through education, symbolized by schools. There are lots of books which lay great importance on the district magistrates's personal abilities and emphasizing not only their humane-governing but also courteous-governing, and it shows the situation that district magistrates had faced. The union between the government authority and local influentials brought out the emerging of a group of people called the gentry, and as the influentials in the community, they became the spearheads in the district in carrying out the national policies and spreading the confucian cultures. It was the gentry who diffused the confucian way of funeral, and 3 years attendance on the parent's tombs. Their role could be seen in the fact that the diffusion of confucian culture had been feeble in the a...

江西에서의 王陽明의 民兵 組織과 運用

元廷植 서울대학교 동양사학과 1990 서울大 東洋史學科 論集 Vol.14 No.-