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韓·露關係 : 1880年代부터 1910年代까지를 중심으로 1880~1910
辛承權 단국대학교 미소연구소 1987 미소연구 Vol.1 No.-
The Russian Policy toward korea has never been explained in detail. The traditional interpretation is that Korea had always great importance for Tsarist Russia. My contention is that Korea itself was insignificant for Russia. It was only due to the Russian need for passage through the Korean Strait that it would not allow any other power to occupy Korea. Apart from Sergei Witte’s designs on Korea in 1897, Russian policy toward Korea was less attentive than the historians claim. My finding is that it was rather Korea which turned to Russia for protection in the 1880’s and later in order to maintain its independence from the Chinese and Japanese imperialism. Not for a moment am I implying that the Tsarist Russian policy in East Asia was peace-loving. The Russian policy toward China was aggressive. But its policy toward Korea was determined by its much greater China interest: Russia did not attempt to seize Korea in the 1880’s because it did not wish to jeopardize its relations with China. In he 1890’s and early 20th century Russia could not seize Korea because this would have provoked war with Japan. In other words, for Russia Korea was not worth fighting a war with either China or Japan. Another important thing to bear in mind is that the so-called Russian a ggression against Korea was justified on the grounds that Russia longed for an ice-free port such as Port Lazaref near Wonsan. But there was no Russian version of Seikan Ron(conquer Korea argument). The Russian policy toward Korea from the 1870’s to 1910 was a series of inconsistent sto gap measures and was not strictly speaking a policy at all.
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辛承權 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1998 社會科學論叢 Vol.17 No.-
Historically the Korean Peninsula has been a battleground between China, Russia, and Japan, each of which considered Korea vital to its security. At the end of the Second World War Korea once again became the buffer zone for China, the Soviet Union, and the United States. During the war the Russians kept complete silence as to their aspirations in Korea, although they have agreed to establish a fourpower trusteeship. The Russians have formulated for occupation of the entire Korea Peninsula, they agreed to partition Korea along the 38th parallel in order to avoid a direct confrontation with the United States. From Pear Harbor President Roosevelt conceived the notion that the Korean Peninsula could be used as a pawn to help him achieve the grand design of securing Russian entry into the Pacific War. When the Chinese Government approached the United States for the recognition of the Korean Provisional Government, the latter refused the Chinese request. Roosevelt informed Chiang Kai-shek it would be undesirable to exclude the Soviet Union from the Korean problem. Roosevelt wanted to shut off the Chinese claim on the Korean Peninsula and use Korea as a bargaining pawn intended to lure the Soviet Union into the Pacific war with Japan. Like the Chinese the Russians also wanted to reestablish their control over postwar Korean. The Soviet Union showed a cool attitude for Roosevelt's trusteeship idea over Korea. The Yalta Agreement was a price paid by the United States to insure Soviet entry into the Pacific war to save American lives. But at the Yalta Conference Stalin made only limited demands. Probably he wanted to control the entite Korean Peninsula, but the Yalta Secret Agreement did not mention anything about Korea. Stalin did not want any binding commitments. Stalin obviously expected that the imminent presence of the Red Army in Korea would settle the problem in his favor. When the U.S. proposed to partition the Korean Peninsula at the 38th parallel the Soviet Union accepted the proposal without any amendment. The Moscow Conference of the Foreign Ministers was convened in December 1945. Upto that time the Soviet Government chose to remain silent about the Korean trusteeship. Moscow was not anxious to reunify Korea. The Russians wanted to establish a friendly Korean regime. When the Moscow Conference convened, Molotov stated that he wished to make clear that no agreement existed about Korean trusteeship. First, Secretary Byrnes made a proposal concerning the unification of Korea. Molotov ignored the American proposal and made a counter-proposal. The Soviet proposal was called "Unified Administration for Korea." It was accepted by three foreign ministers. Molotov's proposal was a master stroke of deception. Ostensively the Russians seemed to support the American trusteeship plan but in reality they could block Korean unification. In 1946 and 1947 the Joint Soviet American Commission was met in Seoul to establish a unified Korean democratic government. The Commission failed because the Russians were not interested in unifying the Korean peninsula. Soviet policy was to prevent a unified Korean government which would be hostile to the Soviet Union. Since the joint commission had not been able to formulate a unified Korean government, the United States government referred the Korean problem to the United Nations. The Soviet government rejected the American proposal. In 1948 only in southern Korean U.N. sponsored elections were held. As a result separate northern and southern government were established.
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辛承權 한양대학교 사회과학대학 1993 社會科學論叢 Vol.12 No.-
Historically the Korean peninsula has been a battleground between China, Russia, and Japan, each of which considered Korea vital to its security. At the end of the Second World War Korea once again became the buffer zone for China, the Soviet Union, and the United States. During the war the Russians kept complete silences as to their aspirations in Korea, although they have agreed to establishing a four-power trusteeship. The Russians have formulated for occupation of the entire Korean peninsula, but they agreed to partition Korea along the 38th parallel in order to avoid a direct confrontation with the United States. Once partition had become an accomplished fact, the Soviet goal was to solidify their control over north Korea and to block any attempt to implement the four-power trusteeship. At the meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers in Moscow in December 1945, Stalin had plans to communise the entire Korean peninsula, but he kept silence about it. The Moscow trusteeship agreement was to oust all foreign influences and establish a Korean provisional government which is composed of left wing representatives and "friendly" to the Soviet Union. By the end of 1948 it became clear that the Soviet and American troops would be withdrawn from the Korean peninsula. In early 1949 Joseph Stalin began to prepare for the Korean War. Stalin's goals in the Korean War were the domination of all of the Korean peninsula in order to strengthen Soviet power and influence in the Far East. In his Memories, Nikita Khrushchev said that the Korean War was not initiated by Stalin but by Kim Il-sung. Since Stalin distructed Mao Tse-tung, scholars have assumed that he did not consult the Chinese leader during the Sino-Soviet summit meeting in December 1949. However, recently released Kremlin documents by Dmitrii Volkogonov make clear that Stalin consulted Mao in Moscow in his Korean War strategy. From the beginning Stalin asked Kim Il-sung to approach Communist China concerning the war. Stalin's strategy was to weaken China through protracted military conflict which would confined to the Korean peninsula and the Chinese mainland. Stalin predicted that China would participate in the Korean War. Stalin's aim was to weaken China and make the Mao regime even more dependent on the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union's boycott of the UN Security Council from January 1950 until after the Korean War began was Stalin's strategy. The Russians calculated to first boycott the council on the pretext of pressing for recognition of communist China, while knowing that United States would intervene in the war and the Chinese would send in troops. Stalin tried to camouflage the Korean War as a war for national liberation. However, from the beginning the United States considered the war was started by the Soviet Union. In July 1951 Stalin was confronted with most critical situation. The Truman government was considering using atomic boms against the Chinese troops in Korea. Statlin had no choice except to terminate the Korean conflict. After Statlin's death, in July 1953, China ended the Korean War.
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