기업의 합리화와 나치의 ‘근대화’ 1919~1939

송충기(Chungki Song) 한국독일사학회 2001 독일연구 Vol.- No.2

Bei diesem Aufsatz geht es um die Frage nach der Affinität zwischen der ab Mitte der 1920er Jahre in Gang gesetzten Rationalisierung der Industrie und der in den 30er Jahren durch die nationalsozialistische Herrschaft betriebenen sog. Modernisierung, die in der historischen Zunft noch umstritten ist. Anhand von Quellen aus Unternehmen der Eisen- und Stahlindustrie im Ruhrgebiet und insbesondere aufgrund der Ergebnisse quantitativer Analysen der ca. 4.500 Stammrollen der Kruppschen Arbeiterschaft läβt sich folgendes feststellen: Die Unternehmer bemühten sich in den 20er Jahren vor allem darum, eine ‘soziale Rationalisierung’ durchzuführen, deren Fürsprecher das DINTA war. Das DINTA kritisierte die Unternehmensleitungen, die nur eine technische Rationalisierung in den Mittelpunkt ihrer Anstrengungen stellten und eine ‘Menschenökonomie’ bis dahin nicht berücksichtigt hatten. Obwohl das DINTA mit der Idee der Werksgemeinschaft nur Unternehmerinteressen propagierte, fand doch die ‘industrielle Menschenführung’ durch betriebliche Berufserziehung eine breite Resonanz in der Industrie. Dabei darf man auch nicht übersehen, daß die Gewerkschaften das Konzept des DINTA ohne gro ß e Bedenken in der Annahme akzeptierten, daß diese “Verwissenschaftlichung” der Arbeit zugunsten der Arbeiter wirken konnte. Vor diesem Hintergrund wurde das Konzept des DINTA, das sich kurz nach der Machtergreifung der Nationalsozialisten an die DAF angliederte, von diesen gutgeheißen. Ungeachtet der Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der DAF und der Industrie um die Zuständigkeit der betrieblichen Berufsausbildung in den späteren 30er Jahren setzte sich die Modernisierung der Berufsausbildung durch. Dies stand im Zusammenhang mit der sog. ‘Leistungsgemeinschaft’, von der die Nationalsozialisten unermüdlich sprachen. In der Tat führten die Ausbildungsmaßnahmen zu einer Hoherqualifizierung der Arbeiterschaft, was wiederum zu deren Stabilität beitrug. Wie aus den Ergebnissen der Analyse der Stammrollen zu ersehen ist, erhöhte sich die Beschäftigungsdauer der Arbeiter in der Gußstahlfabrik Krupp in Essen gegenüber der Vorkriegszeit enorm. Insbesondere hatten ausgelemte Lehrlinge, die sich zum gröβten Teil aus Söhnen der schon Beschäftigten rekrutierten, erheblich gröβere Chancen im innerbetrieblichen Berufsleben (z.B. lange Beschäftigungsdauer und Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten) als andere Gruppen der Arbeiterschaft. Allerdings kann keine Rede davon sein, daß sich dies auf andere Branchen ohne weiteres übertragen ließ. Es bleibt aber festzuhalten, daß der Ausgangspunkt der nationalsozialistischen Modernisierung der Sozialpolitik in der ‘sozialen Rationalisierung’ der Industrie zu sehen ist.

“고결한 정의의 원칙과 실질적인 평화의 복원” 사이에서: 제1차 세계대전 후 독일황제에 대한 전범재판의 시도

송충기 ( Chungki Song ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.60

The aim of this article is to review the attempt of the Allies to bring German Emperor Wilhelm II to international court as a war criminal shortly after World War I. The Article 227 of the Versailles Treaty laid down his responsibilities for ‘a supreme offence against international morality and the sanctity of treaties.’ None of the arrangements of the article, however, were to be effectuated, because the Emperor had already fled to the neutral Netherlands to seek political asylum. Thus the Nuremberg trial that took place after World War II became a milestone in the development of international law.Until recently the trial of the German Kaiser has been considered negative with words such as ‘a fiasco’ or ‘a failure’ mainly in terms of the development in international law. According to studies the lack of the efforts of the Allied Powers and differences of opinion among them caused ‘the failure’ of implementing the provision of the Treaty. Britain and France have made efforts to put the Kaiser on trial, while Woodrow Wilson and the american delegation, in fact, preferred a political solution over the legal punishment.This paper points out that the Allies laid more emphasis on ‘a restoration of real peace’ than ‘the high principles of justice’ over time. The Allies, especially Britain and France, which were initially drawn to the cheers of victory, called for the punishment of war criminals for ‘justice,’ but recognised gradually that their attempt might do harm ‘peace’ after the War. They gave up the trial, not because they would not deliver him to justice or there were some big legal problems, but because they were concerned much about the political situation of that time.(Kongju National University / chungkisong@gmail.com)

현재주의(presentism)의 대두와 ‘현재사(history of the present)’

宋忠起(Song, Chungki) 역사교육연구회 2020 역사교육 Vol.154 No.-

‘Contemporary history’ has now been established and is generally recognized as a subdiscipline, which is dealing with the period following modern period. Now it is covering the post-1945 period including even the post-2000 period. However, a new historical methodology, which should be applied to the very close past, has not been developed, because historians do not fully understand the changing concept of the present. With the recent rise of presentism, these problems are becoming more apparent. First of all, the present should be historically understood with help of the new concepts such as Hartog’s regimes of historicity or Benjamin’s Karios. In conclusion, the very close past or the present should be studied not by the current historical methodologies already established in the fields of ‘the history of an epoch’, but by new ones to be developed.

독일 바이마르공화국 시기의 평화운동과 평화주의 - ‘조직적 평화주의’에서 ‘급진적 평화주의’로

송충기 ( Song Chungki ) 강원대학교 통일강원연구원 2023 평화들 PEACES Vol.2 No.1

본 논문은 독일 바이마르공화국 시기에 평화운동이 내부적으로 분열함으로써 파시즘의 등장에 맞서 제대로의 역할을 하지 못한 이유를 당시 가장 큰 조직이었던 <독일평화협회>의 활동을 분석하여 찾고자 한다. 제1차 세계대전 직후 평화운동은 고조되었고, <독일평화협회>도 조직적으로 발전했다. 특히 전쟁 이전에 명망가 중심의 협회가 이제는 대중에 기반한 활동적인 조직으로 바뀌었다. 이러한 새로운 조직적 변화를 기반으로 ‘급진적 평화주의’ 노선이 부상했다. 하지만 베르사유 조약과 프로이센 군국주의, 징집거부 등의 문제로 내부적으로 온건파인 ‘조직적 평화주의’와 ‘급진적 평화주의’가 대립했고 결국 공화국 말기 분열하고 말았다. 이렇게 분열된 <독일평화협회>는 정치적으로 더욱 고립되었고 결국 파시즘의 대두에 직면하여 별다른 저항하지 못했으며, 이로 인해 오랫동안 침체기를 맞이했다. This article aims to find out the factors why the peace movement during the Weimar Republic failed to play a proper role against the emergence of fascism by analyzing the activities of the German Peace Society, the largest organization at the time. After World War I, the anti-war protests spread greatly and the number of members of the Society also increased significantly. Especially the Society, which had been led by a few prominent figures before the war, was now transformed into an mass organization, in which a lot of workers were recruited. Based on these new organizational changes, the “radical pacifism” has emerged. However, moderate “organizational pacifism” and “radical pacifism” clashed over many political hot issues like the Treaty of Versailles, Prussian Militarism, and Refusal of Conscription and eventually split at the end of the republic. This fragmented German Peace Society became more politically isolated and eventually failed to resist the rise of fascism.

루드빅 플렉(Ludwik Fleck)의 과학사 방법론 : 사고집단(Denkkollektiv)과 사고방식(Denkstil)

송충기(Chungki Song) 한국독일사학회 2020 독일연구 Vol.- No.44

이 글은 과학사에서 한동안 잊힌 인물이었던 루브빅 플렉(Ludwik Fleck)의 방법론에 대한 개괄이다. 토마스 쿤의 『과학혁명의 구조』가 과학사에 새로운 패러다임을 제공했지만, 정작 쿤이 영향을 받은 플렉에 대해서는 아는 바가 없었다. 그가 사망한 후 약 20년 후인 1980년대부터 그의 연구가 알려지기 시작했고 최근 과학사에서 그가 자주 호명되고 있다. 본 논문에서는 우선 리보브라는 곳에서 그의 이론이 어떻게 탄생했는지 역사적 배경을 그가 제시한 ‘사고교류’(Denkverkehr)를 통해 살펴보고 그가 제시한 ‘사고집단’(Denkkollektiv)과 ‘사고방식’(Denkstil)을 중심으로 그의 논지를 소개했다. 끝으로 그의 이론에 대한 비판과 함께 향후 과학사 연구에서 어떻게 더 활용될 수 있는지를 라투르의 이론과 관련해서 논의했다. The aim of this article is to overview the methodology of Ludwig Fleck, a figure who has been forgotten for some time in the historiography of the history of science. Thomas Kuhn s The Structure of the Scientific Revolutions (1962) provided a new paradigm in the study of history of science, but we didn t really know about Fleck who had influenced Kuhn s thought. In the 1980s, about 20 years after his death, Fleck s theory began to become known and has been considered important recently. In this paper, at first, the historical backgrounds under which his theory was formed in Lwów, is introduced and then his arguments based on thought collective (Denkollektiv) and thought style (Denkstil) are analysed. Finally, it is discussed with criticism of his theory how Fleck s theory can influence the STS in future in relation to Latour s theory.

대기업을 통해 본 현대사

송충기(Chungki SONG) 역사비평사 2007 역사비평 Vol.- No.81

홀로코스트에서 반유대주의 지우기

송충기(Song Chungki) 역사비평사 2013 역사비평 Vol.- No.105

19세기 함부르크 도축장의 근대성 : 인간과 동물, 그리고 사물 사이의 연결망(Networks)

송충기(Song, Chungki) 한국독일사학회 2021 독일연구 Vol.- No.46

본 연구는 19세기 함부르크 도축장에서 일어난 발전을 최근에 나타난 동물사의 시각에서 라투르의 이론을 원용하여 해석하고자 했다. 기존의 연구에 따르면, 육류의 폭발적인 수요증가로 인해 대량생산체제가 작동되기 위해서는 근대적인 공공도축장의 탄생이 불가피했고, 또한 사회적으로 점차민감해지고 있었던 위생에 대한 요구에 함부르크 시정이 대응한 측면이 있다. 하지만 그것을 더 깊이 살펴보면, 도시에서 나타난 도축장의 변화에는동물존재의 의미를 희석하여 사물로 만드는 일종의 비동물화(deanimalization) 및 상품화(commodification)의 과정이 존재했다. 이러한 과정은 인간이 처음부터 의도했던 결과라기보다는 19세기에 발전한 사물(철도, 통계 그리고 계량기)이 인간과 동물 사이의 연결망을 만들어냄으로써이루어진 것으로 볼 수 있다. 곧 철도를 통해 가축시장과 도축장에 더 직접연결되어 가축을 시내에서 더 볼 수 없게 되었으며, 통계의 발전에서는 가축의 존재가 개별적인 특성을 잃어버리게 만들었고, 마지막으로 도축장에서 계량된 체중계량기를 사용함으로써 점차 가축의 부위별 체중이 중요시되면서 동물 개체의 특성을 잃었다. 이러한 세 연결망을 통해 고기가 가축으로부터 나왔다는 사실을 인식하기 어려워졌던 것이다. This study aims to interpret the development of the Hamburg slaughterhouse in the 19th century from the perspective of animal history that emerged recently. According to previous studies the creation of modern public abattoirs was resulted not only from centralized meet industry to operate due to the explosive demand for meat, but also from the hygiene policies of municipal governments responded to the increasingly socially sensitive issue of sanitation. It is true of Hamburg. However, it is also not to be overlooked in the development of the modern slaughterhouse that the living creature was distanced from the sympathy-inducing idea of the animals and reduced to the status of ‘things.’ By analyzing the historical documents of Staatsarchiv Hamburg and appropriating Bruno Latour’s theory (Act-Network-Theory), I will highlight that this processes of the deanimalization and the commodification of animals relied upon several networks between humans, animals, and things (in this case, railways-, statistics-, and weight scales-network), which were necessary for the invisibility of animalhood in the city and the minimization of direct interactions between the human and animals. For example, the railway-network brought livestock no longer visible in the city, the statistics-network deprived the livestock of its individualities, and the weight scale-network led to the partialization of animal body. In the long run, the three networks made difficult to see that all meat came from living animals.

나치청산과 독일인(1948-1952) : 노르트라인-베스트팔렌 지역의 탈나치화를 중심으로

송충기 한국서양사학회 2004 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.80

This essay aims to understand "the policy of the past" of the West German government in the 1950s by reviewing the attitudes of the Germans toward "denazification", particularly in its late phase 1948-1952. It is well known that the new government preferred forgiving ex-Nazis to punishing them, This policy facilitated the Germans to forget the "dark" past with which they were forced to confront under the pressure of the Allied. One of its results was that many former Nazis returned to social positions of influence soon. Those scandals caused the West to denunciate the policy as "renazification." But this essay shows that such reluctance to punish ex-Nazis had already begun during the denazification. From the beginning the denazification was controversial because of its unclear definition and its complicated and difficult implementation. Therefore the Allied wanted the Germans to denazify themselves. German panels, ho-wever, proved increasingly to define the past behavior of Germans as not really Nazi, despite the Nazi party members' and some others' apparent enthusiasm for the Nazi regime. Most German people thought that the denazification which had been "unfairly" carried out by the British military government had to be revoked. Moreover this essay indicates that the "fiasco" of denazification was determined not only by the anger of the German people toward the British military government, but also by the fact that they did consider themselves not as perpetrators but as victims. Many "Displaced Persons" and POWs, who came back home after the war, played a critical role in creating such new solidarity of the victims.