[특별세션강연 3] 플랜트기자재 산업 및 플랜트기자재 국산화

서정민(JeongMin Seo),유일수(Ilsu Yoo),박준영(Jun Young Park),윤의수(Eui Soo Yoon),최병일(Byung Il Choi),최병익(Byung-Ik Choi) 대한기계학회 2010 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2010 No.5

The Religious Establishment and the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt

서정민(Seo, Jeongmin) 한국중동학회 2014 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.35 No.1

‘ 아랍의 봄 ’ 정치변동과 이후 발생한 여러 정치적 혼란과 시행착오는 여러 정치 행위자들에게 적지 않은 영향을 주었다 . 이 과정에서 이슬람세계의 주요 정치이념 행위자 중 하나인 공식종교기관의 역할도 다양하게 나타나고 있다 . 그러나 이집트의 경우 셰이크 알 - 아즈하르 , 무프티 , 그리고 종교성장관은 친정부적 성향의 이념 기관으로서의 전통적 기능을 벗어나지 못하고 정치변동 속에서도 자신들의 이권을 지키기 위한 기능에 충실했다 . 본 연구는 지배엘리트로부터의 정치경제적 지원을 지속적으로 확보하기 위해 이집트 종교엘리트는 국가의 기대에 부응하는 역할을 정치변동 속에서도 보여주었다는 가설을 바탕으로 한다 . 루이스 알튀세 (Louis Althusser) 의 ‘ 이념적 국가기구 (ideological state apparatus)’ 개념으로서의 이집트 공식종교기관이 생산한 정 치종교적 담론을 분석하기 위해 본 연구는 이집트의 반정부 시위가 시작된 2011년부터 무슬림형제단 출신의 무함마드 무르시 정권이 축출된 2013 년까지 이집트 최대일간 알 - 아흐람지에 게재된 3 대 종교기관장의 연설 , 인터뷰 등을 수집하여 분석하였다 .3 년 동안 신문에 등장한 268 개의 기사를 분석한 결과 이집트 종교엘리트는 국가의 권력유지 노력과 부합하는 담론을 지속적으로 생산한 것으로 나타났다 . 혁명 세력 혹은 이슬람주의세력을 이집트 국가 안정과 안보에 위협이 되는 집단으로 분류하고 이들의 도전에 대응하기 위해 자신들의 전문분야인 ‘ 건전한 ’ 이슬람 사상 전파를 해결책으로 제시하고 있다 . 이를 통해 이집트 종교엘리트는 국가와 협력하는 과정 속에서도 자신들의 기득권을 확대하려는 노력을 기울이고 있다 .

국어의 경음화현상과 불투명성 - OT-CC를 중심으로 : 국어의 경음화현상과 불투명성

서정민(Seo Jeongmin),조학행(Jo Hakhaeng) 한국언어문학회 2006 한국언어문학 Vol.59 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the opacity in post-liquid tensification of Korean verbal inflection. For this, after classifying the tensification phenomena in Korean, we will present the opacity problem. Following that, we will analyze the opacity in post-liquid tensification of Korean verbal inflection within the framework of McCarthy(2006a)’s recent proposal, Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC, henceforth), which incorporates inter-candidate derivational information with PREC (edence) constraints(A, B). This paper is organized as follows. Section Ⅰ provides introductory remark about this paper. Section Ⅱ provides an introduction of OT-CC. In Section Ⅲ, we will analyze the opacity in post-liquid tensification of Korean verbal inflection resulting from rule overapplication within the framework of OT-CC. Section Ⅳ is a concluding summary.

사지의 방사선치료에 사용되는 쌀 볼루스의 품종에 따른 방사선량분포의 민감도 연구

서정민(Jeongmin Seo) 한국방사선학회 2020 한국방사선학회 논문지 Vol.14 No.6

사지부위에 많이 발생하는 연부조직육종의 방사선치료에 사용하는 쌀을 이용한 볼루스의 적용에서 쌀의 품종에 따른 형태적 차이에 따라 달라지는 방사선량분포의 차이가 발생하는지를 알기 위하여 일반적인 국산 쌀과 낱알의 크기가 작은 태국산 쌀을 각각 적용한 쌀 볼루스의 선량분포 민감도를 비교하였다. 쌀 볼루스를 적용하지 않는 팬텀, 국산 쌀을 사용한 쌀 볼루스를 적용한 팬텀, 태국산 쌀을 사용한 쌀 볼루스를 적용한 팬텀에 동일한 방사선치료계획을 수립하고 동일한 지점 12곳에 대한 선량을 비교하였다. 등중심점에 대하여 100 cGy를 처방하였으며, 낱알의 크기가 작고 긴 태국산 쌀을 이용한 쌀볼루스에서 평균 103.57±1.98 cGy, 국산 쌀 볼루스에서 평균 104.27±2.12 cGy, 볼루스가 없는 팬텀에서 104.99±6.40 cGy의 선량분포를 보였다. Wilcoxon’s Signed Rank test에서 태국산 쌀 볼루스와 국산 쌀 볼루스의 선량분포가 유의한 차이를 보였다(p=.011). 낱알의 크기가 작고 긴 태국산 쌀을 이용한 볼루스에서 더 균등한 선량분포를 보임을 확인하였으며 임상에서 이를 고려하면 더 양질의 의료서비스를 제공할 수 있을 것이다. To investigate the radiation dose sensitivity in extremity radiatioin therapy depending on rice cultivar which have different size and shape of grains, plan results are compared that used rice bolus Korean and Thai rice. Phantoms that are each no bolus, Korean rice bolus, Thai rice bolus were used and prescribed 100 cGy to isocenter and checked the point dose of 12 points of interest of each phantoms. The meane dose are 103.57±1.98 cGy in Thai rice bolus using, 104.27±2.12 cGy in Korean rice bolus and 104.99±6.40 cGy in phantom without bolus. Dose distribution of Thai and Korean rice bolus differed significantly in Wilcoxon s Signed Rank test (p=.011). It has been confirmed that that the bolus using Thai rice, which has a small grain size, shows a more even dose distribution.

문화 갈등과 국내의 극단주의 인식

서정민(Seo, Jeongmin) 한국중동학회 2017 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.38 No.1

The UN Security Council Resolution 2178 adopted in September 2014 urges the international community to strengthen efforts and develop strategies in the field of countering violent extremism(CVE). Later, The UN Secretary General announced ‘Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism’ on 15 January 2016 as a framework for solving the international threat posed by Islamic State (IS). Violent extremism can be defined as an ideology or trend which supports or commits ideologically-motivated violence to further political goals. The threat of violent extremism is neither constrained by international borders nor limited to any single ideology. Increasingly sophisticated use of the Internet, social media, and information technology by violent extremists adds an additional layer of complexity. Korea has also faced the threat of Islamic State which utilizes a remarkable media strategy. This thesis assumes that culture conflicts in South Korean society may contribute to emergence of extremist groups. Thus, this research analyzed what group of people can be influenced by such violent extremism. Through a big data analysis regarding the term ‘extremism’ appeared on internet and SNS, this study categorized such five main vulnerable social groups in South Korea as extremist internet communities, multi-cultural families, ill-treated foreign workers, religious extremists, and school maladjusted students.

국내 정치 역학과 수니-시아파 담론갈등

서정민(Seo, Jeongmin) 한국이슬람학회 2020 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.30 No.1

Sectarian conflicts in the Middle East has become more acute recently. On the basis of a instrumentalist and constructivist and institutional approach, this study attempted to comparison between domestic and regional variables to understand of which variable has been more associated with sectarianism. Among the most important regional political transformers in the 21st century, this paper dealt with the Iraq War, the Arab Spring and Syrian civil war, and the conclusion of the Iran nuclear deal. As for the domestic political variable, the appointment of Saudi Arabia s crown prince was selected as the most important political transformer in Saudi political stability or regime survival. To compare the four domestic and regional transformers, frequencies of news articles containing all three search terms - Shia, Iran and Saudi Arabia - were quantitatively measured via Google News. A time series analysis applied to the irregular variation of the significant political variables confirms the hypothesis of the study that domestic political stability and regime survival have a more significant causal relationship with the Sunni-Shiite conflict than the regional political variables.

한-MENA 간 시장집중도와 그린에너지 협력 대상국 선정 연구

서정민(Jeongmin Seo) 한국이슬람학회 2023 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.33 No.1

In coping with the energy crisis caused by climate change and the Ukraine crisis, decarbonization policies have now become a global issue. Korea and MENA countries are also establishing long-term renewable energy green transformation strategies to prepare for future crises. In this regard, it is important to select major parnter countres in the region to strengthen cooperation on the green energy industire. Thus, this research first conducted HHI index studies between Korean and MENA countries to check the closenese of relations. And on the basis of this, a survey was conducted on experts in related fields and the results were examined by analytical hierarchical process (AHP) method based on the relationship with Korea and the influence of trading partners.

국내 폭력적 극단주의 위험 요인 분석

서정민(Seo, Jeongmin) 한국이슬람학회 2016 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.26 No.1

The media strategies of Islamic State’s propaganda has produced high-definition depictions of the most abhorrent brutality on an industrial scale, ensuring that the IS threat is digitalized and brought firmly into different continents. In response to this phenomenon, various countries have applied a strategy of so-called ‘countering violent extremism.’ Violent extremism can be defined as an ideology or trend which supports or commits ideologically-motivated violence to further political goals. The threat of violent extremism is neither constrained by international borders nor limited to any single ideology. Increasingly sophisticated use of the Internet, social media, and information technology by violent extremists adds an additional layer of complexity. Korea has also faced the threat of Islamic State which utilizes a remarkable media strategy. Thus, this research analyzed what factors can contribute to the emergence of violent extremism. In addition, this study evaluated how well Korean youths perceive violent extremism through a survey analysis. The survey was conducted with a sample group of high-school students on the basis of self-administered questionnaire.

이슬람국가(IS)와 알-카에다의 이념적 그리고 전략적 차이

서정민(Seo, Jeongmin) 한국이슬람학회 2015 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.25 No.2

The ‘establishment’ of Khalifa system by Islamic State (IS) will generate long-term instability in the Middle East. IS is an Sunni extremist organization which has a clear difference with the conventional Jihadist groups like al-Qaeda. IS and other Islamist groups have a similar ultimate goal of building an Islamic state, but they have different strategies and methodologies. The major targets of Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda is ‘far enemy,’ i.e., the West led by the US and Israel, IS has prioritize ‘near enemy’ rather than 'far enemy’ cleansing the Muslim community. While Al-Qaeda seeks a ‘defensive jihad’ to protect the Islamic world from the threat posed the West, IS has combined the ‘defensive’ with ‘offensive jihad.’ IS has resorted to a strategy of building Islamic state to remove non-Islamic elements in the Middle East. This study explores how much ideology and strategy between al-Qaeda and IS are different. Despite the fact that the two radical Islamist organizations have utilized the religion of Islam to justify their activities and atrocities, this research assumes that IS, which declared the establishment of Khalifa state, has more assertively put the emphasis on its territorial domination and governance than al-Qaeda did. In order to demonstrate the ideological and strategic difference between the two organizaton, this study analyzed the speeches made by the main leaders of the two groups, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and Osama bin Laden. The texts in the speeches of the two leaders were analyzed through the KH Coder. The result of the analysis showed considerable differences in word usage and co-occurrence networks.

탈레반, 미진한 국민국가 형성, 그리고 아프가니스탄의 정치 불안정

서정민(Seo, Jeongmin) 한국이슬람학회 2021 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.31 No.3

While acknowledging the negative impact of Islamism, this paper is based on hypothesis that Afghanistan s inherent problems, especially the deficient nation-state building, have a greater impact on political instability. To test this hypothesis, this study identified perspectives that explain various variables for political instability and evaluated the degree of Afghan nation-state formation. Furthermore, in order to determine which of the two independent variables, Islamism and nation-state building, had a more adverse effect on Afghan political instability, a quantitative analysis of books, articles, and reports related to instability of Afghanistan inside ‘Google Scholar’ was conducted to find the more appropriate independent variable The results of the analysis shows that academia also found that the incomplete nation-state formation is more influential on instability in Afghanistan than Islamism. In addition, a simple and straight-forward survey to understand the perspectives of local Afghan people revealed that the majority of locals also view that the deficient nation-state building has contributed more to ongoing instability than extreme Islamism.