외국의 지방기록관과 한국의 지방기록자료관 설립 방향

박찬승,Park, Ch'an-Seung 한국기록학회 2000 기록학연구 Vol.0 No.1

Based on the "Archives and Records Management of Public Agencies Act" enacted from the year 2000, the Korean local districts, in a near future, will establish local archives. According to this law, the archives of provincial states and municipal cities are to be conserved permanently, whereas the archives of local districts are to be conserved temporally. Subsequently, the important archives that are categorized as the permanent documents will be transferred to the provincial archives. However the Korean local districts, which are well known for long history of self-administration, are better to preserve permanent documents in their own archives. Moreover, it is necessary for the local archives to collect and compile public and private documents as well. Also it is advisable for the local archives to associate with local citizens by holding lectures and exhibitions which would endow the archives a status as the cultural centre for local districts. By doing so, the local archives could be more important to the population for their cultural and practical necessities than the remotely municipal archives. Furthermore, according to the rule of field preservation, it is better to conserve documents in the local archives. If the government will decide to transfer permanent documents to the municipal archives, the local archives are recommended to keep micro-film copy by themselves.

1980년 목포항쟁의 전개과정과 주도층

박찬승(Park Chan-seung) 역사문화학회 2006 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.9 No.2

Mokpo Uprising that occurred in May, 1980 had its own background and followed a different developmental path from that of Kwangju Uprising although it was under the influence of Kwangju Uprising. People in Mokpo had a history of fighting against Lee Seungman administration and Park Chunghee administration during the course of democratization of Korea. Political disposition they had led them to have an expectation for the democratization of Korea and they placed Kim Daejung at the center of their anticipation. However, they had to suffer a setback because New Military Authorities gained the power when President Park was assassinated. Socio-economic situation in Mokpo was very much unfavorable as the economy in Mokpo area fell into a decline after the liberation of Korea. Mokpo area was neglected by Park Chunghee administration while the national plan for the economic development was proceeded. The economic disadvantage they had to suffer for over a decade might be one of underlying causes of their persistent struggle against the dictatorship. During 1970s, democratic movement in Mokpo area was systematically organized against Park Chunghee administration and it provided a solid foundation for Mokpo Uprising later in 1980. Mokpo Uprising was set off to support the people in Kwangju when Kwangju was entirely cut off from the surrounding areas. Mokpo Uprising was led by Ahn Chul and college students. And tens of thousands citizens and highschool students joined the demonstration everyday. As it proceeds. people in Mokpo began to develop their own sense of duty about what they were doing. The present study reviewed the course of development of Mokpo Uprising and attempted to show how it differed from Kwangju Uprising.

한국전쟁기 동족마을 주민들의 좌우분화

박찬승(Park Chan Seung) 역사문화학회 2008 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.11 No.1

금산군 부리면은 28개 마을 거의 대부분이 동족마을이다. 그 가운데 가장 큰 성씨는 해평 길씨와 남원 양씨이다. 길씨들이 많이 사는 곳은 불이리와 현내리, 예미리, 양곡리 등이다. 양씨들이 많이 사는 곳은 평촌리, 양곡리이다. 양곡리에는 길씨와 양씨들이 섞여 살고 있다. 길씨들은 길재의 후손들로서 오랜 세월 동안 부리면에서 굴지의 양반 가문으로 꼽혀왔다. 양씨들은 양응해의 후손들로서 길씨에 버금가는 양반 가문으로 행세해왔다. 1931년부터 1960년까지 면장을 지낸 이들(8명)도 한 명을 제외하고는 모두 길씨와 양씨들이었다. 특히 길씨는 5명을 차지했으며, 길상목은 1930년대에 10년 동안 면장을 지냈다. 하지만 길씨들 가운데 길상목의 아들 길경섭ㆍ길귀섭 형제와 같은 집안 길재철 등은 1920년대 후반 이후 사회주의 운동에 깊이 관계하여 옥고를 치렀다. 그리고 이들은 해방 직후 건준과 인민위원회에서 주도적인 역할을 하였다. 또 길상목이 면장 재직 시 면서기로 근무한 이들은 길상목ㆍ길경섭의 정치노선을 따랐다. 반면 양씨들 가운에 일제하에 사회주의운동에 관계한 인물은 없었다. 그리고 해방 이후 양씨 집안의 대표적인 인물이었던 양병규와 양은규는 부리면의 대한청년단, 국민회 조직에서 단장과 위원장을 각각 맡았다. 즉 길씨들의 주요 인물은 좌익으로, 양씨들의 주요 인물은 우익으로 간 것이다. 하지만 모든 길씨들이 다 좌익으로 간 것은 아니었다. 일부는 우익 혹은 경찰이 되었다. 길씨들 가운데에는 주로 길상목의 영향을 받은 이들이 좌익이 되었고, 그의 영향에서 멀었던 이들은 우익이 되었던 것으로 보인다. 이는 한국전쟁기에 양자간의 대립으로 그대로 이어졌다. 길상목-길경섭 부자는 전주에서 상당히 중요한 직책에 있었던 것으로 보이며, 일제 시기 길상목이 면장을 지낼 때 그의 밑에서 면서기를 하던 길씨들은 부리면에서 중요한 직책을 맡았다. 양은규는 체포되어 전주까지 끌려갔으나 다행히 살아 돌아왔다. 그리고 인민군 점령기 동안 커다란 학살 사건은 없었다. 그것은 길씨들과 양씨들이 사돈 관계 등으로 복잡하게 얽혀 있었기 때문으로 보인다. 그런데 이른바 ‘11ㆍ2사건’은 이러한 상황을 완전히 바꿔놓았다. 11월 1일 부리면의 우익들은 면민대회를 열어 면민의 단합을 과시하였다. 이 소식은 불과 4㎞ 정도밖에 떨어져 있지 않았던 빨치산들에게 그대로 전달되었고, 그날 밤 빨치산들의 부리면 습격이 있었다. 이 습격으로 부리면에서는 모두 78명이 목숨을 잃었다. 특히 면민대회를 주도하였던 양씨들과 그의 가족들이 큰 피해를 입었다. 우익쪽의 길씨들도 역시 큰 피해를 입었다. ‘11ㆍ2사건’ 당시의 마을 주민들의 학살은 ‘빨치산의 존재’라는 변수가 크게 작용한 것이었다. Kumsan Kun, Buri Myeon which is located in Chungnam province consists of 28 villages. Interestingly, most of them are consanguineous villages. Gil's family and Yang's family are two major members of the community. They are the two most influential families in town because they are Yangban and have in-laws as family relations. After the liberation of Korea in 1945, some influential figures of Gil's family took a leftist line whereas some influential figures of Yang's family took a rightist line. But some of the Gil's family members who were not under the influence of a man named Sangmok Gil turned rightist or became a police man. The opposing relationship between the two families continued during the period of Korean War. While Sangmok Gil and his son, Kyungsup Gil held important social positions in town, Eunkyu Yang from Yang's family were arrested. There was no large-scale massacre in Buri Myeon under the occupation of North Korean Army none the less because Gil's family and Yang's family were in-laws. The peaceful relationship between the two families were broken down due to a tragic massacre occurred on November 2nd. 1950. On the first day of November, rightist people in town held a rally to strengthen the unity. Partisan fighters who were only 4 kilometers away from the town were told about the rally and attacked the town in the night of the day. 78 people were killed that night. Most of them were members of the Yang's family who had planned and prepared for the rally. Some rightist members of the Gil's family were also sacrificed. A massacre on Nov. 2 in Buri Myeon could have been avoided if it had not been for a partisan.

식민지시기 조선인들의 일본시찰

박찬승(Park Chan-seung) 역사문화학회 2006 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.9 No.1

During the 1920s and 1930s, under the rule of Japanese imperialism in Korea, Government-General of Korea and the provincial authorities organized a group tour to Japan to provide the opportunities to observe the development in Japan. The members of the tour group were the high-ranking government officials, school teachers, financial specialists, members of the young men’s association, and the Confucian scholars in Korea. They usually visited Simonoseki, Osaka, Kyoto, Nara, Tokyo, Niko etc. Sometimes, some of the industrial cities (e.g., Nagoya, Kobe), military cities, or wealthy farming regions were included as well in the itinerary. The members of the tour group were shocked and attracted by the modernity of the cities they visited. The high-rise buildings, fashionable department stores, night views of the brilliantly illuminated cities were all new to them. They also visited the historic places, the Shinto shrines and temples and were impressed by the richness of their cultural inheritance. After returning to Korea, the members of the tour group were asked to make a report on their trip, that had them to make explicit comparisons between the two countries. They highly evaluated the advancement of Japanese culture and admitted that Korea was quite behind. This group tour to Japan seemed to playa critical role in establishing a pro-Japanese group in Korea during the 1920s and 1930s.

1920 · 30년대 康津의 민족운동과 사회운동

박찬승(Park Chan-Seung) 역사문화학회 2011 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.14 No.1

강진의 민족운동과 관련해서는 청년운동, 학생운동, 신간회운동 등을 들 수 있다. 강진의 청년운동은 1920년대 초 부르주아적인 계몽운동의 성격을 띠고 시작되었지만 비교적 부진했다. 그런 가운데 1927년 고군면(병영) 쪽에서 사회주의적 청년운동이 시작되었다. 또 1927년에는 다른 군들과 마찬가지로 강진군에서도 강진청년동맹이 조직되었다. 하지만 각 면 단위에 설립되는 지부는 겨우 세곳에 그쳤다. 강진의 학생운동으로는 1930년 광주학생운동에 영향을 받아 일어난 대구면 공립보통학교 학생들의 맹휴를 들 수 있다. 이 맹휴는 대구면 수동리의 윤가현과 강원태가 보통학교 학생들을 부추겨서 일어난 것이었다. 강진의 신간회는 1927년 가을 설립된 것으로 보인다. 그런데 고군면(병영) 쪽에서는 1928년 3월 따로 병영지회를 설립할 움직임을 보였다. 하지만 이는 좌절되었고, 결국 강진지회에 통합되었다. 통합된 강진지회에는 그동안 사회운동을 해 온 이들과 민족운동을 해온 이들(특히 천도교 간부)들이 포함되었다. 강진의 사회운동으로는 노동운동, 농민운동, 그리고 전남사회운동협의회 사건 등을 들 수 있다. 강진의 본격적인 노동운동 단체로는 1927년 11월 병영의 사회주의 청년들이 조직한 자유노동조합을 그 효시로 들 수 있다. 하지만 병영의 자유노동조합은 1931년 병영의 격문사건으로 인하여 병영의 사회운동가들이 체포되면서 사실상 막을 내렸다. 강진의 농민운동은 1920년대에는 극히 미약했다. 소작인조합이나 농민조합은 거의 만들어지지 못했다. 1930년대에 들어와 군동면에서 군동농민회의 주도로 소작쟁의가 일어났는데, 이는 군동면 사회운동가들의 지도에 의한 것이었다. 전남운동협의회는 완도 · 해남을 중심으로 강진 · 영암 · 장홍의 사회주의청년들이 서로 연결을 갖고, 각 군에 적색농민조합을 설치하고 이를 지도하기 위한 기관으로서 1933년에 만든 비밀결사였다. 당시 강진에서는 대구면의 윤가현이 완도 고금면의 이기홍과 연결되어 이에 참여하였고, 군동면의 사회운동가들은 윤가현과 연결되어 이에 참여하였다. 하지만 이들은 1934년에 조직이 드러나 모두 체포되었다. 강진의 사회운동은 인근의 완도 · 해남 · 영암의 사회운동과 비교할 때, 상대적으로 부진했다. 그것은 강진의 청년들이 기독교나 천도교의 영향을 많이 받아 사회운동에 대한 관심이 그만큼 적었기 때문으로 여겨진다. 특히 강진면 청년들은 사회운동에 소극적이었고, 그나마 고군면(병영)과 군동면, 그리고 대구면 청년들이 사회운동에 보다 적극적이었다. We can mention youth movement, student strike and Shinganhoe movement as the national movement in Gangjin-gun during 1920 · 30s’. The youth movement in Gangjin started by nationalists as an enlightenment movement. However it was not so active, because of the indifference of young people in Gangjin-myun, the center of Gangjin-gun. Meanwhile young socialists appeared in Byungyoungmyun, and they started new youth movement in 1927. And the alliance of youth in Gangjin was organized in December, 1927. However only 3 branches was formed in 4 myuns among 9 myuns. The student strike was caused by students in an elementary school in Daegu-myun under the influence of Gwangju students’ uprising in 1929. And the Gangjin branch of ‘Shinganhoe’ was organized in 1927. Socialists and nationalists including the members of Chundogyo joined in the branch. As the social movement in Gangjin, we can mention labour movement, peasant movement, and the incident of the association of Chunnam socialist movement. The first organization of labour movement in Gangjin-gun was ‘the free labour union’ organized in Byungyoung. However the leaders of union were involved in the incident of anti-imperialism poster in 1931, and they were arrested by Japanese police. The union was actually dissolved because of this incident. The peasant movement in Gangjin was very weak during 1920s’. There was not a tenant union or a peasant union in 1920s’. However tenants of Gundong-myun caused a farm tenancy dispute in 1931. The tenants demanded land owners to reduce the farm rents. This dispute was leaded by the young socialists of Gundong-myun. The association of Chunnam socialist movement was organized in 1933 by the young socialists in Wando, Haenam, Gangjin, Youngam, and Jangheung-gun. It was a secret organization to guide the peasant movement under the socialist orientation. The young socialists in Daegu-myun and Gundong-myun joined this organization in secret. However they were arrested by police in 1934.

근현대 당진지방의 정치사회적 동향과 지역엘리트

박찬승(Park Chan-seung) 역사문화학회 2004 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.7 No.2

In Dangjin-gun, the Deoksu Yi, Jeonju Yi, Cheongju Han, Neungseong Gu, and Hansan Yi clans were relatively powerful in the Joseon Era. In addition, several clans among the common people were growing on the basis of economic power in the late Joseon Era. In modern times, clans who adopted the new learning (modern sciences) actively made remarkable developments. On the other hand, those who did not were on the decline. For example, the Gyodong Yin, Milyang Son, and Neungseong Gu clans made remarkable developments. The Gyodong Yin clan produced many great landlords, capitalists, high-class officers, etc. The Milyang Son, Neungseong Gu, Milyang Bak, and Gigye Yu clans appeared as leading figures on an economic basis. These clans actively accepted new learning, actively coped with exporting rice to Japan, and appeared as small, medium, or big landlords. Moreover, these people cooperated with the Joseon Government-General with a certain degree in the growing process. In the Colonial Era. Dangjin was divided into three districts: Dangjin-myeon, Hapdeok-myeon, and Myeoncheon-myeon. Dangjin-rnyeon was a political center while the Hapdeok district was an economic and social-movement center. In the Hapdeok district, Sinpyeong, Beomcheon, and Hapdeok-myeons were considered the most active places for youth and tenant farming movements in Chungnam. Most social movement leaders in Dangjin-gun were born in a middle (or lower) class and educated in a new school system. They lead youth, tenant farming, co-op, and Singanhoe movements. These social movement activists played a role in cooperation with the Seoul Youth Association group. Some Cheondogyo (Religion of the Heavenly Way) and Christian believers participated in the movements. However, police oppression continually collapsed the movements. When the Preparatory Committee for Founding Joseon and the People’s Committee were formed after the liberation from Japan, the leading figures included many socialists from Hapdeok and its vicinity. For instance, Bae Giyeong was one of them. After the United States Administration of Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) gained power, they were arrested. Rightists who were fostered by the USAMGIK, such as right-wing youth organizations and parties, held power with the police. When the Korean War broke out, leftists dominated Dangjin temporarily. But the leftists’ world lasted only for two months. During the war, the bloody revenge starting from the murder of the Bodo Federation (Anti-Communism Group) claimed many victims. Both leftists and rightists were affected. Especially in the Hapdeok district many socialists, Cheondogyo believers, and Christians were affected. In addition, the Milyang Son clan of Godae-myeon, the Gyodong Yin clan of Seokmun-myeon, and the Neungseong Gu clan were affected to a considerable degree. Newly emerging clans in late Modern times still showed strength. In the 1950s, after the Korean War, Yin Taesik from the Yin clan was elected congressman consecutively in the 3rd and the 4th Parliamentary Elections. Son Yongbok from the Son clan was the chief of Godae-myeon for 14 years. Bak families who were big landlords in Hapdeok kept the position of myeon chief all through the 1950s. There were a considerable number of local elites who became myeon-clerks, chiefs, and members of the Provincial Council after the Japanese Colonial Era or who became members of the right youth associations, myeon chiefs, or the Provincial Council. Most of them were born common people, especially to the farmer and trader classes. Personal efforts made them local elites. They actively adopted modern education, and tried to grow into local elites through positions like myeon clerks and chiefs. After the liberation, they were on the rightists’ side actively participating in right-wing youth associations and parties in the middle of left/right confrontation and became local elites.

러일전쟁 이후 서울의 일본인 거류지 확장 과정

박찬승(Park Chan-Seung) 역사문화학회 2002 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.5 No.2

In 1904, when the Japan was convinced of their victory over the Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese people rushed in Korea and expanded their residential areas around Seoul. Between the year 1908 and 1910, Japanese population in Seoul increased by one and a half times each year and reached more than thirty thousands by 1910. As the number of Japanese people increased, areas around Namdaemun, Hoihyundong, Myungdong, Chungmuro-3ga were getting crowded with the Japanese. They further expanded their residence toward the east and the west area of Hansung such as Namdaemun-ro, Taepyung-ro, Uijoo-ro, and Hangang-ro, and also to the southern part of Seoul such as Kwangheemun and Jangchungdong. The Japanese residential areas were found all over the Seoul areas by 1910. It was noteworthy that a lot of Japanese people gathered around Yongsan area about this time. They began to move to Old Yongsan area at the end of 1890s, but then the numbers were negligible. In 1908, Korea the Headquarter of Japanese troops in Korea and the Headquarter of Korea Railroad moved to Yongsan and it stimulated Japanese people to move to this area. Eventually, a new area called New Yongsan was formed by the Japanese. As we followed the increase and the decrease of the Japanese population in Seoul since 1904, we found that the opening Seoul to foreigners. Sino-Japanese War, and Russo-Japanese War had been important factors for the Japanese settlement in Seoul. It suggested that the Japanese movement to Seoul was motivated by political and military reasons rather than by economic reasons. The colonialization of Seoul by the Japanese has already been started after the Russo-Japanese War. It is not surprising therefore that the process of urbanization of Seoul could not be separated from the process of colonialization.

일제하 莞島(體島)의 항일민족운동

박찬승(Park Chan Seung) 역사문화학회 2001 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.4 No.1

The Anti-Japanese movement in Wando Island was stimulated by the March First Movement in 1919. Hearing about the Movement, primary school students in Wando made plans for a demonstration. It was failed however, because the plan was soon caught by Japanese police and the students were arrested. After the March First Movement, the cultural movement which was aimed to cultivate wisdom, virtue, and body spreaded all over the country. Since the movement was appealing to the youths, young people in Wando also organized Wando Association of Youth. But there was nothing special in their activities. Meanwhile, young socialists were emerged in Wando as well and Byung-Kyu Kim was their leader. They became to dominate the organization and renamed it Wando Association of Proletariat Youth. In 1924, Union of Wand Labours and Peasants was organized by young socialists. In 1927, Korean representative nationalists and socialists organized Shin' ganhoe(New Korea Society) as a united front organization in Seoul. Nationalists and socialists in Wando County established a branch of the organization. But then, some of the leaders who lived in Soando Island were arrested by Japanese police and hence Wando branch was no longer able to be active. In 1928, Young-Hyun Kim attempted to organize the cooperative society in Wando, but he could not succeed. So, instead, he opened a store for the residents. Japanese police arrested him under the pretext of boycott movement against Japanese goods. In 1931, Byung-Kyu Kim, who had been arrested before with his colleagues of Shin'ganhoe, and his friends were arrested again because of his lecture for the members of Shinwoohoe, a group of the residents who support a night school in the village. In 1933, Dong-yun Hwang and his colleagues who lived in other counties attempted to organize the red peasant union in secret. Although they were successful in making some cells in a few villages in Gunoe Myun, they were arrested by Japanese police before completing the union organization. In conclusion, the nationalist movement and the socialist movement in Wando Isalnd was not as much active as in the other counties. It could be because Wando became an independent county about twenty years before these social movements began. There might have been not enough people who could exert social influence. Moreover, Wando County was composed of many islands, which would make even more difficult for Wando Island to play a central role for the independence movement.

스즈키 다케오(鈴木武雄)의 식민지조선근대화론

박찬승(Park Chan Seung) 한국사학사학회 2014 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.30

스즈키 타케오는 1928년부터 경성제국대학에서 법문학부 교수로서 경제학을 가르치면서 총독부의 경제정책에도 깊숙이 간여한 인물이다. 그는 종전 후 일본에 돌아가 1946년 일본 대장성에서 비밀리에 수행한 『일본인의 해외활동에 관한 역사적 조사』라는 프로젝트의 조선, 만주, 대만편 가운데 조선편 집필에 주도적으로 참여하였다. 스즈키 다케오는 이 프로젝트에서 「조선통치의 성격과 실적」이라는 글을 썼다. 이 글에서 그는 일본의 식민지 한국 지배정책을 미화하고, 일본의 지배에 의해 한국은 비로소 근대화될 수 있었다고 주장하였다. 따라서 이 글은 1945년 이후 이른바 '식민지근대화론'의 출발점이 된 글이었다고 볼 수 있다. 이 논문은 이 글의 내용을 분석하고 비판한 것이다. 스즈키 다케오는 "일본의 한국 영유는 본질적으로는 제국주의적, 그 가운데에서도 군국주의적 지배의 범주를 벗어나지 못하였지만, 서양 여러 나라의 소위 식민지정책과는 달리 이상주의적인 통치 행태를 보였다"고 주장하였다. 그는 당시 일본은 한국을 식민지로 간주하지 않았으며, 조선인을 식민지민으로 대하지 않았다고 주장하였다. 그는 일본정부나 총독부의 '동화주의'나 '內地延長主義', 더 나아가 '內鮮一體' 정책이 그것을 잘 보여준다고 말하였다. 예를 들어 그는 일본이 한국에서 미곡 생산 중심의 산업구조를 만든 것이나, 전쟁 중에 인적ㆍ물적 자원을 동원한 것은 일본의 한국에 대한 산업정책이 근본적으로는 일본을 위한 것이었다는 것을 보여준다고 인정하였다. 그러나 그는 일본의 한국 통치 기간을 통하여 한국의 산업경제가 그 이전과는 비교할 수 없을 정도로 비약적으로 발전하였다는 점을 강조하였다. 그는 그런 점에서 일본의 한국 지배정책을 제국주의적 식민정책이라고 간단히 말해버릴 수는 없다고 주장하였다. 그는 일본은 한국을 '一視同仁'의 입장에서 대하려 하였다고 주장하였다. 이처럼 그는 비록 일본의 한국 통치에 문제가 많았지만, 한국의 근대화가 이루어진 것은 일본의 통치에 의한 것이었다고 주장하였다. 그는 일본의 통치 기간 동안 한국인들의 경제적, 문화적 생활수준도 크게 향상되었다는 것을 특히 강조하였다. 그러나 이와 같은 주장은 역사적 사실을 은폐, 왜곡, 호도하는 내용이었다. 일제의 한국 지배정책은 한국에서 인적ㆍ물적 자원을 수탈하고, 한국인들을 차별적으로 대우하는 것을 그 특징으로 하는 것이었기 때문이다. 결국 스즈키 다케오의 '식민지조선 근대화론'은 일본의 식민지 지배정책을 미화하고 합리화하기 위한 논리였다고 평가할 수 있다. Takeo Suzuki (鈴木武雄) is the scholar who was deeply engaged in the economic policy of the Japanese Government General of Korea, while teaching economics as a professor of the Faculty of Law and Literature at Kyeongseong Imperial University from 1928. After World War II, when he went back to Japan, he leadingly took part in writing the Part of Korea out of the Parts of Korea, Manchuria and Taiwan in the Project of Historic Investigation on Japanese Overseas Activities, which was secretly conducted by Japanese Ministry of Finance (大蔵省) in 1946. Takeo Suzuki wrote, "Characteristics and Achievements of the Rule over Korea," in the project. In his writing, he glorified Japan's ruling policy of colonial Korea, and insisted Korea could be modernized by Japanese rule. Therefore, his writing can be regarded as the beginning of Colonial Modernization Theory after 1945. This paper analyzed and criticized his writing. Takeo Suzuki asserted, "Japan's possession of Korea did not go beyond imperialistic, especially, militaristic ruling scope in essence, however, Japan showed an ideal type of ruling, unlike many Western countries' colonial policies." He said Japan did not regard Korea as a colony, and did not treat Korean people as colonial people those days. He insisted that the assimilation policy (policy to assimilate Koreans to Japanese), the mainland extension policy (Korea is the extension of Japan) and the policy of "Korea and Japan are One" by the Japanese government or the Japanese Government General of Korea showed Japan's position. For example, he acknowledged Japan's building of rice production-centered industrial structure or mobilization of human and material resources during the war showed that Japan's industrial policy towards Korea was for Japan basically. He, however, stressed Korean industrial economy made a remarkable development, incomparable to the past during Japan's colonial period of Korea. In this context, he insisted Japan's ruling policy over Korea cannot be simply regarded as imperialistic colonial policy. Takeo Suzuki claimed Japan tried to treat Korea in the position of treating Japan and Korea equally. Although, there were many problems in Japan's ruling over Korea, he insisted Korea's modernization was conducted through Japan's rule over Korea. He especially emphasized Koreans' economic and cultural levels sharply improved during Japan's colonial rule over Korea. His claim, however, is actually to conceal, distort and mislead historic facts. The reason is that Japanese imperialistic ruling policy over Korea had such characteristics as exploiting human and material resources in Korea and treating Koreans in a discriminatory way. Takeo Suzuki's Modernization Theory of Colonial Korea can be rated as the logic to glorify and rationalize Japanese colonial ruling policy.

20세기 전반 동성마을 영보의 정치사회적 동향

박찬승(Park Chan-seung) 역사문화학회 2003 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.6 No.2

Youngbo village is one of influential consanguinous villages in Young-am county. In the beginning of 20th century, young Confucians from noble families in Youngbo village supported the notion of anti-western and engaged in the anti-Japanese movement which continued until 1910s. In 1920s, people in Youngbo village realized that they needed to take modern education and sciences. Young people in Youngbo village had a chance to learn about the socialism while they were away from home for education. They made an underground organization called “Society for Socialists in Youngam County” in April, 1932. It was in that same year June 4, when Youngbo Farmers Demontration was occurred. This was not planned by underground organizations, however. Farmers who attended a May Day rally instantaneously agreed on the idea that rights of new tenants should be restricted and this was led to a demonstration on the spot. This incident was followed by arrest of farmers around Youngbo area and caused the revelation about Society for Socialists in Youngam County. After the 1945 Liberation of Korea, Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence and People’s Committee in Youngam were led by those who were involved in the incidents of Society for Socialists in Youngam County. Most people in this leader group were from Youngbo village and Gurim village. However, these people were pushed out of the organization as American Military Government was established in Korea. New right-wing leaders who were mainly from old local official’s families took the initiative in the community and many left-wing leaders put in jail. Others who were classified as left-wing by American Military Government were driven to enter a mountain area and became partisans. Korean War had made quite an impact on the lives of people in Youngbo village. As North Korean soldiers occupied Youngam area, some important positions such as Chairman of People’s Committee and Captain of Police were given to people in Youngbo village because these people were helping partisans in a mountain area before the war. It was not that these people themselves were left wing as well but that Youngbo village was happen to be located very close to the mountain area. Until the Korean War had broken, there were not killings in Youngbo village. As North Korean soldiers retreated from southern part of Korea in September, 1950, people in Youngbo village had no choice but to enter a mountain area for their own safety. Youngbo village has become a borderline between the right wing police and the left wing partisan. It was not until Youngbo village people believed the area was under the control of South Korean Police. which was spring of 1951, that they came out of the mountain area. A couple of hundreds people, however, did not come back to the village because they suspected that they could be killed if they went back. These people ended up being killed by the police or army in the mountain area of Keumjung-Myon. Ironically, people in Youngbo village were killed in their effort to avoid the danger of death. The massacre was not due to the struggles with each other supporting different ideologies. which were in fact the common cases in many other villages. Since people in Youngbo has long been tied together through various mutual aid associations in the village, they seemed to be able to escape from even worse tragedy.