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組織的 意思決定에 關한 硏究 : Barnard의 所論을 中心으로 In Terms of Banard's Theoretical View Points
朴奉植 全南大學校企業經營硏究所 1976 産業經濟硏究 Vol.3 No.1
Chapter I. The concept of decision making in organizations Ⅰ. The concept of organization decision making Ⅱ. The characteristics of organizational decision making 1. Decision making in the light of orgnizational behavior. 2. Personal decision making vs. orgnizational decision makings. 3. The occasions of decision makings. (1) The first occasion of decision making ... instructions or directions from the higher-ranking personnels. (2) The second occasion of decision making written or oral report from the subordinates or followers. (3) The third occasion of decision making originality by the management. a) Top management echelon b) Middle management echelon c) On-the -job worker's echelon Chapter II. Organizational decision making process. Ⅰ. Objectives ... odjectives of the firm, i.e., profit, maximization, increasing market share, promoting foreign markets, etc. Ⅱ. Environments ... constraints stemmed from the political, economic, psychological, sociological, social, and cultural environments. Chapter III. Principles of organizational decision making A. Moral elements... factors for value analysis in the process of decision making from the moral point of view. B. Opportunistic elements ... objects factors in organizational decision making, given the objectives of the organization and environmental elements aound the organization 1. The theory of the strategic factors. 2. The techniques of the decision making. 3. Decision making of the management. 4. Comments on organizational decision making.
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朴奉植 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7
In observance of the "Outline of Defense Plan" adopted in 1976, Japanese military expenditures still remains within the 1 percent of its GNP. The Outline is based on the assumption that the military balance between the East and the West, including the mutual deterrence of nuclear confrontation, and stable international relations reduced the possibility of a large-scale convict. Developntents in international relations since 1976, however, make it inevitable to revise the assumption. With this basic hypothesis, the article analyses in the first chapter the changes in the perception of the Japanese with regard to the military preparedness. As is well known, Japan has been prohibited from acquiring the capability for self-defense by the article g of its Peace constitution. This Prohibition was justised by the internstional situations of the immediate post-World War ll period, and the Japanese in general accepted it with equanimity. But recently the Japanese perception underwent a subtle transformation on the need for acquiring self-defense capabilities. The Japanese began to see increasing danger in the Soviet expansionist policies, reinforced by the Middle East crisis and the possible upsetting of the vital Sea Lane of Communications (SLOCS). To examine the reasons for this change in the Japanese attitude, the article, from chapter one through chapter four, the process of streamlining the Japanese defense plans, the trends in its military expenditures, and an assessment of the Japanese military power once the defense budget increases. Current defense expenditures, less than one percent of its GNP, rank Japan only the eighth largest military power in the world. If, however, Japan decides to spend five percent of its GNP, as does the United States, it will be ranked the third after the United States and the Soviet Union. So much is the military potentials of Japan that serious debates have been on the subject. When Japan increases its defense burden, this will play a significant role in the security of East Asia and in the US strategy in the area. A potential outbreak of hostilities in Middle East will dictate the redeployment of the American forces now stationed in Asia, and increased naval and air forces of Japain will be crucial in ailing in the military gap left by withdrawing American forces. In the past, Japan depended on the Protection of the American. naval vessels for safeguarding the sea lanes through which it imported almost all of its crude oil supply from the Middle East. For this reason alone, it will be inevitable for Japan to revise its defense plan and increase its defense burden. The increase in Japan's defense expenditures and its military strength will certainly invite very sensitive reactions from other Asian countries. But, if the increase is materialized in the context of the US overall strategic plan, it will result in the comparable increase in the counter-force capability of the United States to check the Soviet threat, thus contributing to the maintenance of the balance of power and stability in the region. Needless to say, the increase of Japanese role will have to be balanced by the comparable increase in Korea's role in the US-Korea military cooperation.
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朴奉植 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7
Warnings against the Soviet expansionism and the Soviet threat are frequently raised in many countries, in the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) in particular. The Soviet expansionism became the focus of the world attention when in 1975 the three nations in the Indochina Peninsula fell into the hands of Pro-Soviet governments. Also, soon following the similar fate were Angola. Ethiopia, and South Yemen. It reached a high point when ten thousands of the Soviet soldiers invaded Afghanistan in late 1979. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed a serious problem for the United States in the sense that Moscow crossed the boundary implicit in the balance of power arrangements between the United States and the Soviet Union. Until the early 1970s, the Middle East was an area where Washington needed not to intervene directly with its own military forces. But beginning in the latter part of the 1970s, certain countries there became pro-Soviet, and Iran which used to serve as the safety valve for American's Middle East policies underwent drastic political changes, requiring the reshuffling of the US policies. The reshuffling included the creation of the Rapid Deployment Forces (RDF) and even the possible redeployment of the US forces stationing in Asia and the Pacific. The Middle East has now become one of the most dangerous regions in the world where conflicts might occur, and, accordingly, the United States has strengthened its military preparedness, working out contingency plans. Outside the Middle East, the United States has taken measures to counter the Soviet military build-up. First, President Reagan outlined in his press conference in early October this year what was called the Reagan strategic plan to increase America's strategic capabilities. The plan envisions the deployment at least o( 100 MX missiles and the production of 100 remodeled B-1 bombers. Altogether, the number of the US strategic weapons will double by 1990. Second, on President Reagan's urging, the member states of the NATO have agreed to increase their defense budget by 3 percent a year. In a report on "The Responsibilities of the Allies in Defense Expenditures" issued on August 11, 1981, Deferlse Secretary Weinberger evaluated the contributions made by the NATO members and Japan to the security of the West. Japan, in the report, was ranked only the next to the last. Secretory Weinberger also released a report on the Soviet military strength on September 29, 1981. These are parts of the US extorts to pressure its allies, Japan and the NATO, to increase their defense expenditures, through niakiRg public concrete evidence on the threat of the Soviet military build-up. In East Asia, as a result of the American extorts for increased military burden-sharing between the United States and its allies, japan is under enormous pressures to increase its defense expenditures, while at the same time the military cooperation between the United States and the PRC is being strengthened. Up to now, the military order in East Asia has been predicated on the presence of the American forces there. Japan toras totally dependent on the protection provided by the United States, as guaranteed by the security treaty between the two coutries. China, on the other hand, was the most important potential enemy for the United States. From this perspective, a new pattern of military picture will emerge in East Asia, with rearrangements in the security cooperation between Washington and Tokyo, and the further deepening of the semi-military alliance betweeen Washington and Peking. The increase in Japan's defense budget is inevitable in view of the pressures from the United States for readjusting the trade imbalance. For China, the successful implementation of its four modernization program requires the continuous Row of foreign capital an4 technology into China. It is not in a position to divert a major portion of its GNP into the defense sector to cope with the Soviet threat. This is why China is likely to continue in its present policy of approaching the West, the United States and Japan in particular, for economic and military cooperation.
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