Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems

서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1975 論文集 Vol.- No.2

The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, hereinafter referred to as the parties, proceeding from the premise that nuclear war would have devastating consequences for all mankind. Considering that of effective meaures to limit antiballistic missile systems would be a substantial factor in curbing the race in strategic offensive arms and would ]end to a decrease in the risk of outbreak of war involving nuclear weapons. Proceeding from the premise that the limitation of anti-ballistic missile systems, as well ascertain agreed measures with respect to limitation of strategic offensive arms, would contribute to the creation of more favorable conditions for further negotiations on limiting strategic arms. Mindful of their obligations under Article of the Treaty of tLe Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

北東亞 資源問題의 性格 : 시베리아의 에네르기資源을 中心으로

金容九 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1980 論文集 Vol.- No.6

東北亞 文化, 이데올로기의 문제와 韓中關係

崔丁云 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1992 論文集 Vol.- No.16

北韓의 國際 커뮤니케이션에 대한 態度와 對外觀.自我像 硏究

丁世鉉 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1985 論文集 Vol.- No.9

The main purpose of this paper is to examine hors North Korea has formed its view of foreign countries and its self-image by means of controlling international communication in the process of policy implementation of national "dehomogenization. " This study further investigates the possibility of social integration between North and South Korea through international communication. The research method adopted in this paper is the content analysis. The source material to be analyzed is the news item of the North korean Labor Party's official papers Rodong-shinmun (The Labor Daily). For the convenience of research, the issues of every last day of each month from January 1970 to December 1984 are selected to be analyzed. At first, Redong-Shinmun' s editorial poilicy with regard to foreign news is examined in terms of the various regional reports' share among total foreign news items. The findings are the criticisms on the foreign countries and South Korea-54.43%, the news about the Third World-22.96%, the commendations on the communist world-21.89%, and the simple reports about the Western affairs-0.72%. The foreign news in Rodong-Shinmun covers about a third of the total items. Thus, 18. L4U of the total news of Rodong-Shinmun is covered with the the criticisms on the foreign countries and South Korea. In addition, this paper examines the frequency of appearances of each subject to analyze North Korean attitudes toward the international and the South Korean affairs. Among the critical reports on the Western world, the blames on the U.S. take the largest portion, and the items concerning the institutional decay and disturbance of the capitalist societies the second, and the criticisms on Japan the least. The commending reports on the communist world axe focusing on the cases of the small communist states rather than those of Russia and China. This seems to imply that North Korea has intended to restrain itself from reporting the superior socialist institutions to that of North Korea. In the articles on South Korea, Rodong-Shinmun has consistently insisted that South Korea has undergone the increasing social turbulences because of the political disorder and the economic breakdown. It has also said that there is much possibility of South Korean military threats and attacks toward North Korea. From this, we can see well that North Korea utilizes Rodong-Shinmun as another ideology-educational program in order to establish its regime legitimacy. As reviewed above, North Korea, therefore, seems to employ even international communication as a means of "Revolution and Construction" to consolidate the dictatorship of Kim il-Sung and Kim Jung-il. Judging from the North Korean atitudes toward international communication, the situation seems still too far from solving the problem of national "dehomogenigation" between North and South Korea. Thus, a concrete scheme for the social integration of the two Korean through international communication will be available only after South Korea evokes the North Korea's open-door policy by adopting an appeasement policy.

資源問題 : 그 政策的 考廬 Policy Considerations

盧在鳳 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1980 論文集 Vol.- No.6

세계적으로 자원문제가 관심의 대상이 되었던 1973년의 석유파동에서부터, 한국에 있어서도 자원문제는 현재와 미래에 있어서 심각한 문제로 인식되기에 이르렀다. 자원이 부족한 한국으로서는 이 문제가 단순히 경제생활의 한 부분의 문제가 아니라, 경제생활 자체의 의식과 구조의 전면적인 재조정을 요하는 전반적 문제라는 성격을 띠고 있다.

新生諸國의 國際法觀 : 中共의 國際法體系論爭을 中心으로

金容九 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1980 論文集 Vol.- No.6

I. 소련의 對아시아 정책에 관한 자료

서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1987 論文集 Vol.- No.11

新國際經濟秩序와 관련한 아시아 經濟協力機構의 構想

呂井東 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7

Among conspicuous disputes of today's international politics, North-South problemsprecede, in priority of important issues, East-West problems. One of the urgent demands that all developing countries have been making about North-South problems is a prompt establishment of a New International Economic Order by means of which they aim to accelerate their economic independence and self-reliance. "The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order" was adopted at the 6th Extraordinary Generial Assembly of United Nations on May 1st 1974, and also "the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States" was officially accepted at the 29th General Assembly of United Nations on december 12th 1974. To the adoption of the "Declaration and Charter in the United Nations," advanced nations of capitalists have made very sensitive responses; that is to say, they have made clear their Intentions or attitudes tourard the plan of establishing NIEO by showing either total reservation, opposition or abstraction. Furthermore, some of them go so far as to take some counteractions that may be deemed effectual. The circumstances and atmosphere of present-day It world brings home to us forcibly that it will take rather long before the establishment of NIEO is a do facto reality. Mutual dependence is to tightly related as if one body in today's international society that the international order or organization should preferably be analyzed with a concept of interdependence in this thesis. Interdependence greatly varies in meaning according to the context; that is, it could be meant by either through policy-consultation, propoganda device, concept as ananalyisis tool, or situation as objects of analysis and In this thesis, it is used in the sense of both the concept as a tool for analysis and the situation as objects of analysis. The problems in this thesis will be dealt with in the following way: the interdependence level will be clarified in terms of the Asian area level; the interdependence function in terms of politico-economic function; the exchange :signifying quality of interdependence in terms of the aspect of quantity and quality; interdependence contents in terms of the multiple-mechanism containing both cooperation (signifying harmony) and competition (signifying opposition). When dealing with the transition process of either an internationa order or international organization, we should take into due consideration such factors as follows: (1) divisions of interest and costs and distributional l phenomena of influence, (2) the relationship between an environment and a role-system, in other words, the problem of how to share roles compatible with their situation and capability, (3) the problem of how to clarity the relation between situational factors and policy-making factors, (4) the problem of how to contrive the politico-diplomatic strategy. With special reference to the factors above-quoted, some tentative proposals are presented here for the establishment of the regional cooperative organization in Asia. A triangular-reciprocal model should be given full consideration for its realization between three groups of nations, both forward, middle and backward. In present-day Asian politico-economic scene, there emerges a group of new industrial nations, forming a conspicuous section of nations in the Asian region. In the situation where nations forward and backward have the tendency to follow the rather firm and innexible policy, an emerging group of New Industrial Asian Countries. should pursue the fexible strategy of politico-diplomacy, which is of higher dimensions, so that they may carry out the policy of strengthening cooperations between themselves. The present atmosphere of Asian situation makes it necessary that Korean people, whether government officials and civilians, should not merely conduct considerable researches into the real fact or nature of "the Order and Organization" but also have positive, continuous shares in various activities of international conference. To add one last remark to the conclusion: the plans of establishing NIEO and the Regional Economic Cooperative Organigaion in the Asia would be far from realization unless Japan is willing to take up attitude of approval and make their political decision to back up the plans.

新國際軍事秩序의 背景과 展望

李基遠 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1982 論文集 Vol.- No.7

이상으로 신국제군사질서의 배경과 전망에 대하여 개관하였다. 서두에서도 지적했듯이 신국제군사질서를 분석ㆍ검토함에 있어서는 보다 포괄적인 면에서 다각적인 측면에서의 분석이 요구된다는 것은 재언의 여지가 없다. 그럼에도 불구하고 필자의 능력상의 한계로 말미암아 미ㆍ소 군사관계, 동맹관계 및 무기의 세계적 확산이라는 측면에 초점을 맞추어 신국제군사질서를 분석ㆍ검토하였다. 요컨대 70년대가 지나가고 80년대에 접어들면서 그동안 70년대를 뒷받침하고 있던 국제군사질서는 그 기능을 다하고 새로운 질서의 형성에 몸부림치고 있는 것만은 틀림없다.

APEC 관련 자료

서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 서울大學校 附設 國際問題硏究所 1993 論文集 Vol.- No.17

Ministers from Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Indonesia, Japan. Republic of Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, The Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and the United States gathered in Canberra. Australia on 6-7 November 1989 to discuss how to advance the process of Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation. A full list of Ministers and Observers attending the Meeting is attached.