‘가짜뉴스효과’의 조건

노성종(Sungjong Roh),최지향(Jihyang Choi),민영(Young Min) 사이버커뮤니케이션학회 2017 사이버 커뮤니케이션 학보 Vol.34 No.4

가짜뉴스에 관한 선행 연구는 ‘얼마나 많은 시민이 가짜뉴스에 노출됐는가?’ 혹은 ‘누가, 왜 가짜뉴스를 수용하는가?’ 각각에 대한 개별 분석에 초점을 두었다. 이 연구는 ‘노출’과 ‘수용’을 동시에 고려하여 ‘가짜뉴스효과’를 정의하고, 19대 대통령 선거에서 실제로 유통된 가짜뉴스를 대상으로 가짜뉴스효과의 원인을 탐색했다. 구체적으로, 가짜뉴스 수용에 작용하는 요인들로 유권자의 정치심리적 성향(후보자 호감도 및 정치이념성향, 정치지식, 언론 신뢰도)을 고려했으며, 가짜뉴스 노출에 작용하는 요인들로 다양한 선거커뮤니케이션 행위(온라인 선거정보이용, 소셜미디어 상에서 이견회피행위, 사실확인 행위, TV토론회 시청)를 고려했다. 가짜뉴스효과뿐만 아니라 실제뉴스 대비 가짜뉴스의 우위효과를 지표화하여, 각각에 대해 유권자의 정치심리적 성향과 선거 커뮤니케이션 행위의 영향력을 탐색했다. 이를 위해 2017년 제 19대 대통령 선거 전후로 2차례의 전국 규모 온라인 패널조사(1차, N = 1,000; 2차, N = 769)를 실시했다. 연구 결과, 첫째 다당 구도에서 이념성향보다 후보자 호감도가 가짜뉴스효과의 주요 원인으로 작동한 것으로 나타났다. 후보자 호감도는 해당 후보에게 유리한 방향으로 가짜뉴스효과를 낮추거나 높이는 것으로 나타나 동기화 추론이 작용했음을 암시했다. 둘째, 정치지식은 실제뉴스효과뿐 아니라 가짜뉴스효과도 제고하는 것으로 나타나 정치지식의 역할에 대한 지속적인 탐색의 필요성을 제기했다. 셋째, 카카오톡, 라인 등의 모바일메신저를 통해 선거정보를 주로 접할수록 가짜뉴스효과가 높아져 이들이 가짜뉴스 유통의 주된 채널로 작동했음을 간접적으로 알 수 있었다. 넷째, 소셜미디어 상에서 정치적 이견을 회피하는 커뮤니케이션의 폐쇄성이 강할수록 가짜뉴스효과가 상승했다. 다섯째, 유권자의 사실확인(fact-checking) 행위의 효과는 구체적인 방법에 따라 상이했는데, 기사의 출처를 확인하는 방법이 가짜뉴스효과를 감소시키는 데에 상대적으로 유효한 것으로 나타났다. Previous research on fake news has focused either on how many people get exposed to fake news or on who falls for fake news. Proposing a new definition of ‘fake news effects’ that encompasses both exposure and acceptance, this study investigated fake news effects using the items that actually were circulated during the 19th presidential campaign in 2017. To identify facilitating and constraining factors on fake news exposure and acceptance, the study considered a range of political psychological variables such as candidate favorability, political ideology, political knowledge, and media trust and various types of electoral communication such as online information use, partisan selective avoidance, fact checking, and televised debates viewing. We conducted a two-wave online panel survey (first wave, N =1,000; second wave, N = 769) before and after Election Day. According to data analyses, first, candidate favorability appears to be a significant predictor of fake news effects; it decreased or increased fake news effects depending on whether the fake coverage was negative or positive for the favored candidate. That is, voters responded to fake news in the direction that was consistent with their political preference. Second, political knowledge increased both real news effects and fake news effects, disconfirming the resistant power of knowledge against misinformation. Third, using mobile messaging platforms for electoral information led to greater fake news effects, implying that they functioned as major conduits for the flow of fake news. Forth, echo chamber effects were found; more specifically, fake news effects were greater among those people who frequently avoided or bloked out politically disagreeing opinions on the social media. Fifth, voters’ individual fact checking activities partially mattered; cross-checking the credibility of news sources decreased fake news effects.

‘지구온난화’ 對 ‘기후변화’

노성종(Sungjong Roh),이완수(Wan-Soo Lee) 한국언론학회 2013 커뮤니케이션 이론 Vol.9 No.1

‘지구온난화’와 ‘기후변화’는 신문, 방송 등 언론매체의 보도나 일상의 대화에서 동일한 현상을 지칭하는 용어로 번갈아 쓰이고 있다. 하지만 이 두 용어를 구별하지 않고 사용함으로써 발생하는 잠정적 커뮤니케이션 효과에 관한 국내연구는 부족한 실정이다. 이 연구는 이 점에 착안해 ‘지구온난화’와 ‘기후변화’의 단어 선택(강조 프레임)이 지구기후변화에 대한 시민의 판단과 의사결정에 미치는 영향을 탐구했다. 또한 각각의 프레임과 함께 제시되는 기온에 대한 증거가 프레임의 효과를 조절하는지도 살펴봤다. 이를 위해 2012년 3월, 216명의 시민을 대상으로 2(프레임: 지구온난화 대 기후변화) × 3(증거: 여름의 고온일 증가 추세, 겨울의 저온일 증가 추세, 여름의 고온일과 겨울의 저온일 증가 추세 동시 제시) 요인설계에 의한 온라인 실험을 수행했다. 실험 결과, ‘지구온난화’ 프레임이 ‘기후변화’ 프레임에 비해 시민들로부터 정부의 강력한 환경 규제정책과 예방책에 관한 정보추구 행위를 견인하는 데 보다 효과적인 것으로 나타났다. 구체적으로 ‘지구온난화’ 프레임은 시민들로 하여금 (1) 반박증거에 대한 생각을 상대적으로 줄이는 동시에 (2) 예방행동에 대한 우호적 태도를 고양시키는 것에서 상대적 우위를 나타냈다. 특히 예방행동에 대한 우호적 태도는 ‘지구온난화’ 프레임이 정책지지와 정보추구에 미치는 영향력을 설명(매개)하는 것으로 관찰됐다. 프레임과 함께 제시되는 증거의 조절효과는나타나지 않았다. 연구결과를 토대로 ‘지구온난화’와 ‘기후변화’ 강조프레임의 차별적 효과가 갖는 환경커뮤니케이션 이론과 실천에의 함의와 후속연구에 대한 제언을 담았다. This study investigates whether the effects of environmental communication vary by emphasis frame whether global climate change is described as “global warming” or “climate change”. In a randomized, between subjects Web experiment(N = 207), participants reported greater intentions to seek preventive behavior and willingness to support stronger environmental regulatory policy after viewing a message with “global warming” frame compared to “climate change” frame. Participants also showed more favorable attitude towards preventive measures and felt there are less counter-arguing evidences against the phenomenon in “global warming” frame condition. Effects on seeking information about preventive measures and support for stronger environmental regulatory policy were explained (mediated) by heightened favorable attitude towards preventive measures. The interplay of emphasis frames and temperature-related evidence was not found. We discuss the implications of these findings for theory and practice of global climate change communication.

‘숙의’와 ‘참여’의 공존

노성종(Sungjong Roh),민영(Young Min) 한국언론학회 2009 한국언론학보 Vol.53 No.3

The condition of political dialogue in democratic societies varies. Whereas some might get engaged in reciprocal communication through actively speaking(reason-giving) and carefully listening(open-minded hearing) to other’s thoughts, others might experience alienated communication lacking both reason-giving and open-mindedness. Previous studies have put forward paradoxical findings that cross-cutting exposure(exposure to conflicting political viewpoints) may contribute to improving opinion quality and political tolerance, yet suppress political participation. The authors have reasonably assumed such paradox might be because prior works did not fully consider the moderating role of the condition(quality) of dialogue, in other words, the levels of deliberation achieved in political dialogue. Hence the present study moves one step further from the inquiry of extant literatures scrutinizing the effects of interpersonal discussion networks on individuals’ political cognition and behavior. While previous works have mainly focused on the structural features of political discussion networks(heterogeneous v. homogeneous) and discussion frequency, this study attends to the levels of deliberation in citizens’ political dialogue which can be conceptualized as equivalent activation of reason-giving and open-mindedness. In sum, the present study explores the interactional effects of cross-cutting exposure and deliberative political dialogue on political participation of democratic citizens. Drawing on the web-based national survey data gathered during the Korean Presidential Election 2007, the authors found a significant conditioning impact of the level of deliberation on the relationship between cross-cutting exposure and political participation. That is, individuals whose political dialogue showed equivalently high levels of reason-giving and open-mindedness are found to benefit more from conversing with others having dissimilar political viewpoints: they participate in the political process more often. Cross-cutting exposure, however, appears to demobilize people whose political conversation revealed lower levels of deliberation. This study also provided some interesting findings regarding the structural features of political discussion networks of voting-aged citizens in Korea. More specifically, people tend to talk about the political world more frequently with like-minded people than politically dissenting people. Furthermore, the levels of reason-giving and open-mindedness were higher in homogeneous discussion networks than in their heterogeneous counterparts, and so were the levels of deliberation. Normative theories and some empirical findings regarding the virtue of deliberative democracy have disagreed on the role of political dialogue facilitating cross-cutting exposure in inducing the participatory political culture, yet the findings of this study suggest an important way to reconcile those two. When individuals talk to others having dissonant political viewpoints and their dialogue meets the conditions of deliberation(mainly, equivalent activation of reason-giving and open-mindedness), political dialogue can contribute to cultivating the actively participating and knowledgeable citizenry and, in so doing, make strong democracy work.

비만의 사회적 구성

이은택(Euntaek Lee),노성종(Sungjong Roh),최은경(Eunkyoung Choi),강충구(Chungku Kang) 한국언론학회 2010 한국언론학보 Vol.54 No.2

Obesity is a daily life matter. However, to understand its cause requires beyond common knowledge; It demands scientific knowledge. Hence, news about obesity might exert significant influences on public opinion towards related governmental policy by shaping and swaying people's perception about obesity. The authors tried to uncover how Korean news media frame obesity for the past 20 years. In particular, the current study conceptually divides past 20 years period into three distinct phases, which are period of pre-IMF bailout, post-IMF bailout, and well-being boom, in analysing the quantitative(frequency of coverages) and qualitative features(format and content) of news about obesity, including analysis of between(print v. broadcast media) and within(both conservative v. liberal news outlets and public service v. commercial broadcasting) differences of news media coverages. Findings indicate that the news coverage of obesity varies depending on its time phase when it is reported and media outlets where it is reported. Theoretical and practical implications of the study and suggestions for future studies are discussed.

한국과 미국 청소년의 인터넷 이용, 정치의식, 그리고 정치참여

민영(Young Min),노성종(Sungjong Roh) 한국언론학회 2011 한국언론학보 Vol.55 No.4

This study investigated how Internet communication influences adolescent users’ political orientations (political values and citizenship) and participatory intention. To do so, this study conducted online surveys of 14-18 years old adolescents in South Korea (N=328) and America (N=227). According to the results, first, the effects of Internet on teens’ political orientations appeared differently depending on the specific motivations to use the medium. In Korea, informational uses contributed to the cultivation of both dutiful and engaged citizenship, while entertainment-purposed uses negatively influenced the development of engaged citizenship. Information-seeking activities on the Internet also increased the likelihood for teens to value the freedom of expression. In America, using the Internet for entertainment enhanced adolescents’ tendency to value individuals’ rights to choose their own lifestyles. Secondly, in both countries, using the Internet particularly for political and informational purposes showed significant mobilizing effects on political participation. Third, the mediating function of political orientations between Internet communication and political participation were partially substantiated only in Korea. Using the Internet for entertainment exerted an indirect, negative impact on non-conventional political and civic participation by decreasing engaged citizenship. Informational uses, on the contrary, positively and indirectly contributed to political participation through the development of citizenship.

'무엇'에서 '언제'로 : 벡터자기회귀모형을 통한 경제현실, 경제보도, 경제인식 간상호영향의 시간차 탐구

이완수(Wansoo Lee),노성종(Sungjong Roh) 한국언론학회 2008 한국언론학보 Vol.52 No.5

When do the inter-influences among the real-world economy, economic news, and mass economic judgments occur and disappear? In order to solve the conundrum, the present study has employed two respective measures representing economic reality, news reporting, and rating of public. Also the study has compared the two different period of regimes of South Korea, the kim Dae-Jung and the Roh Moo-Hyun governments, which are presumed to have distinct economic structure, press-government relationship, and public opinion climate. Utilizing Vector Autoregressive time series analysis, the study found that ① media malady, the effect of economic news coverage on the state of economy, took 2 months to appear and lasted a month, ② framing effect, the influence of economic news on the economic judgment of general public, also emerged in 2 months and had a month of duration, ③ it took a month for economic reality to be reflected on the economic news coverage and maintained a month as well for both the Kim and Roh administration, and ④ clear differences were not found between two period of regimes in terms of temporal gap of tripartite relationships. Based on these findings, the study suggests that the research with respect to when the effect of communication occur and disappear are required to be scrutinized in future studies in media effects beyond traditional concerns of the field that merely have been asking what the effect of communication is.

경기 국면에 따른 경제커뮤니케이션 효과의 비대칭성

이완수(Wan-Soo Lee),노성종(Sungjong Roh) 한국방송학회 2011 한국방송학보 Vol.25 No.3

‘표심의 동학’

김성태(Sung-Tae Kim),노성종(Sungjong Roh) 한국언론학회 2009 한국언론학보 Vol.53 No.1

??The decision made by an electorate at the voting booth on election day would reflect either the consistent support for the candidate who is initially preferred by an electorate or the change of an electorate’s mind from one candidate to another during the election campaign. The present study, by virtue of the panel survey, tries to classify the decision-making processes of mass electorates not grounded by the final decision at the voting booth, which is commonly found in traditional literatures in voting behavior, but based on the newly designed decision typology representing the dynamics of candidate preference during the campaign, analyzing the characteristics of electorates fallen on each types of the decision typology. In particular, based on national-wide panel study conducted during the Korean Presidential Election 2007, the authors explored the influences of both the traditional predictive model of voting behavior, that is comprised of sociological, psychological, and economic factors, and the elements of election communication, the patterns of campaign information use, in predicting the decision typology. both the ramification of decision typology indicating voters’ constant or changing preference during the election campaign and the exploration of influencing factors, the traditional predictors of voting and the elements of political communication during the campaign alike, are a new initiative in voting behavior research.

‘메멘토 모리(Memento Mori)’의 정치학

이완수(Wansoo Lee),박재영(Jaeyung Park),노성종(Sungjong Roh),이수미(Sumi Lee),강충구(Chungku Kang) 한국언론학회 2009 한국언론학보 Vol.53 No.5

Obituaries are not only mere a reporting system informing anyone’s death, but also the symbolic system that is both reflecting and constructing the power relationships in society. Based on the argumentation, we conducted content analysis of obituaries of a Korean newspaper, Joongang Ilbo, called 〈Life and Memory〉. In particular, we have observed distributions of the departed’s gender, social value, and social status appeared in obituaries. The results show that obituaries are inclined to report the death of male and power elite who had particular jobs, birthplaces, and top-notch colleges more frequently. Also obituaries are found to lean toward to more focus on the individual achievement than contribution to society of the deceased. The findings indicate that obituary is a product manufactured by power relationships in a given society rather be limited to the pure reporting of anyone’s death to general public. The implications are discussed and directions for future research are suggested.

한미(韓美) 신문의 의견기사에 나타난 한국 기자와 미국 기자의 사고습관 차이

박재영(Jaeyung Park),이완수(Wan Soo Lee),노성종(Sungjong Roh) 한국언론학회 2009 한국언론학보 Vol.53 No.5

This study attempted to examine whether Korean and U.S. op-ed writers interpret the same issues differently. The present study employed cultural psychology as a theoretical framework to explain the cognitive differences found in op-ed articles of Korean and U.S. newspapers on three issues including North Korea nuclear, Virginia Tech massacre, and 2008 global financial crisis. Based on content analysis of op-ed articles, the cultural psychological approach was supported in the Virginia Tech massacre issue in categories such as the type of news source, the way news source is introduced, and how the article is narrated. The cultural differences on hindsight bias were found in both issues of the North Korea nuclear and Virginia Tech massacre. The stance toward an issue was not consistent with the theory of cultural psychology in all three issues. It seems that journalism studies are required to combine the established normative approach and cultural psychological approach for better understanding the discrepancies between Korean and U.S. papers’ op-ed articles. The findings are also discussed in relation to their practical implications, requesting mutual learning between the two cultural worlds of journalists. As the western journalists need to learn the oriental holistic thinking, the oriental journalists are necessary to learn the western analytic thinking and, in doing so, the culture-induced cognitive biases could be ruled out.