지식정보산업과 여성노동

조은(Uhn cho) 한국여성학회 1995 한국여성학 Vol.11 No.1

가부장제와 경제

曺恩(Cho Uhn),김애실(사회자),김문조(토론자),김주숙(토론자) 한국여성학회 1986 한국여성학 Vol.2 No.1

신자유주의 세계화와 가족 정치의 지형

조은(Cho Uhn) 한국여성학회 2008 한국여성학 Vol.24 No.2

가족 정치에서 계급과 젠더의 경합은 역사적 시점마다 그리고 사회마다 다른 양태로 조우해 왔다. 이 논문은 IMF 이후 신자유주의 세계화가 한국가족에 작동하는 특정지점을 포착하고 이 지점에서 계급과 젠더가 경합하는 접점과 방식을 드러내고자 했다. 부권 위기 담론이나 저출산 위기담론, 그리고 ‘기러기 가족’과 ‘다문화 가족’은 바로 특정시기에 한국사회에서 계급과 젠더가 경합하는 중요한 지점으로 가족 정치의 지형을 드러낸다. IMF 관리체제는 특히 중산충의 약화와 계급양극화가 심화된 시기이며 이 시기 ‘가족 위기’는 단순히 가족의 위기가 아니라 신자유주의 세계화에 놓여진 ‘가족 영역’ 또는 ‘사적 영역’의 위기이다. 부권 위기 담론은 중산충 남성들이 더 이상 생계책임자 역할을 수행할 수 없는데서 오는 가족 영역의 위기를 젠더화시키는 담론의 정치를 보여준다. 반면 저출산 위기 담론은 여성들이 생산노동과 재생산노동을 함께 할 수 없는 모순적 상황에서 생산노동을 선택한 여성들에게 노동력 재생산 위기를 전가시키면서 여성간의 차이를 부각시킨다. 부권 위기 담론의 핵심이 ‘남성 생계부양 이데올로기’라면 저출산 담론의 핵심은 ‘출산하는 몸으로서 여성’이다. 여기서 성별분업 구조를 더욱 공고화시키는 보수화된 가족 가치를 강조하는 가족 정치가 작동한다. 한편 ‘기러기 가족’과 ‘다문화 가족’은 국경을 넘는 계급이동의 욕망과 ‘가족을 통한 생존’의 글로벌전략이 젠더를 통해 매개되는 방식을 보여준다. 이들 가족에서 보여지는 계급과 젠더의 접점과 기제는 한국 가족 정치의 보수화 지형을 보여주는 한편 가족 정치 보수화의 균열의 지점도 보여준다. Class and gender contest and sometimes blur each other in the family politics in various ways in different social and historical context. This paper addresses the issue, focusing on the most distinguished aspects of Korean 'family crisis' in post-IMF period; so called 'father power crisis' and 'low birth rate crisis' on one hand and two-tiered global families, so called 'gireogi (wild geese) families' and 'multicultural families' on the other. In the period, 'family crisis' was not just family crisis but the domestic sphere crisis, as class polarization was deepened. This paper highlights the way in which 'father power crisis' and the 'low birth rate crisis' was clothed with conservative politics, blurring the middle class demise caused by global restructuring. It reveals how "breadwinning father and stay-at-home mother" ideology and class division work to translate class issue into gender issue and vice versa. Two-tiered global families represent the way in which class polarization works on recreating the family in global context. 'Gireogi familes' present how motherhood was utilized to secure class mobility in insecure global economy, while 'multiculral families' show the mechanism to trad~ off class and gender through cross-border marriages. In sum, the findings demonstrate that Korean family politics provides not only the contested terrain of class and gender in one nation state but also the contested arena of complex articulation of gender issues with that of class, race and citizenship in global context. Accordingly, it can be simultaneously the reservoir of conservative politics and that of radical revolt.

유교적 가부장제와 여성호주 가족

조은(Cho Uhn) 한국여성학회 2005 한국여성학 Vol.21 No.2

이 논문은 한말 한성부 호적 자료를 통해 그 사회의 ‘비전형 가족’인 여성호주가족을 조명했다. 한말 호적은 신분제가 철폐된 직후 그리고 일제 식민지 통치가 시작되기 직전에 수집된 자료라는 점에서 조선시대 유교적 가부장제의 기획물로써 가족을 이해하는데 중요한 자료일 뿐만 아니라 한국근대가 시작되는 지점의 가족을 이해하는데도 중요한 자료이다. 이 연구의 결과는 여성호주의 등장 또는 감소가 그 사회의 지배이념과 관련되어 있으며 “여성호주 가족”이라는 비전형적 가족이 그 사회의 이데올로기와 정치적 구성물임을 보여준다. 한말 호적자료를 통해 본 여성호주가족의 특성을 요약해보면 한말 여성호주 가족은 조선시대 어떤 호적 자료에서보다도 양반호가 적으며 가족수, 호주의 연령, 가족원의 범위 등에서 남성 호주 가족과는 뚜렷한 차이를 보인다. 또한 여성호주 가족원이 평균적으로 두 명이 안되며 여성호의 다수가 단독호라는 사실은 여성호주 가족이 곧 사라질 수 있는 ‘일시적 가족’임을 보여주며, ‘여성호주 가족’은 성위계적인 지배이데올로기 속에서 신분의 요소를 내포하고 있음을 보여준다. 한말 여성호주의 신분은 소사가 대부분이며 그 다음으로 상궁의 비율이 높은데 상궁 외에 침공이나 침선, 재봉 등 전통적인 여성 직업과 주막 등의 상인, 그리고 방적, 교사, 학생 등 근대적 직업의 여성호주가 등장하는 것은 여성호주의 사회적 지위에 변화를 가져올 가능성을 시사하는 흥미로운 측면이다. 마지막으로, 가족의 대표권에서 여성호주 배제는 유교적 가부장제의 핵심 기제인 여성을 아들의 어머니로 호명하고 가족에 복속시킨 또 하나의 전략적 장치였다고 해석할 수 있으며 한말 호적에 나타난 여성호주 가족의 실태는 이러한 기획이 거의 완성단계였음을 보여준다. This paper tries to highlight an “anomalous family” in late Chosun, focusing on female-householder family in Hanmal Hojuk. Hanmal Hojuk was collected in 1903-1906, where family composition would reflect the final stage of Chosun Confucian patriarchy. Females were excluded from representing household in Hojuk, government registar since 18th century, as Confucian patriarchal order, chong-bup was strengthened. Accordingly female-householder families have decreased especially in Yangban (Upper class) in later Chosun. However, female-householders still mark about 4.6% in Hanmal Hojuk. This paper starts with a simple question such as who are female householders? The findings show that female-householder families are exceptionally negligible in Yangban class in Hanmal Hojuk. And they are completely different from male householder ones in householder age, family composition, and family size. More than half of female householder families are single-person family, and more than four fifth of female-householders are in their forties and older who might not marry or have no son. Were there any males in the family, they are either son-in-law, matrilineal grandson, or infant son. Female-householder families are “transitional” or “residual” family in the sense that they are anomalous, not to follow Confucian patriarchal order. Though most of female householders are from Sosa, (commoners), Sanggung(royal lady attendant) next to them, make somewhat noticeable proportion about 4.2% female householders. It suggests that female householders are anomalous or “unconventional” categories. Besides Sosa and Sanggung, traditional women's jobs such as sewers, dressmakers, needleworkers, inn keepers and street vendors count for occupations of female householders. And further, a teacher, school girl and cotton-mill woman have recorded as female householders. The findings imply that Hanmal “female-householder family” can be the invention of an ideological construct which has discouraged women from representing household. In sum, decreased and ghettorized female-householder family evidences that making women as ‘mother of son' is the principal mechanism to reproduce Confucian patriarchy, which culminates in Hammal female-householder family.

[일반논문] 세계화의 최첨단에 선 한국의 가족 - 신글로벌 모자녀 가족 사례 연구

조은(Cho Uhn) 비판사회학회 2004 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.64

본 연구는 아이들 교육을 위해 남편은 한국에 남고 부인이 초등학생이나 중학생 자녀를 데리고 미국에 머물고 있는 일명 기러기 가족으로 통칭되는 신글로벌 초국적 가족에 대한 문화기술지(ethnography)이다. 기러기 가족은 한국의 전문관리직 및 중소기업가등 중간계급의 상층부가 세계시장에서 자원과 기회를 극대화하고자 하는 전략적 가족이라고 할 수 있다. 이들은 불안정한 부부생활을 토대로 안정된 가족의 미래를 지향하는 모순성을 드러낸다. 이 연구는 한국 사회가 부부 중심보다는 자식 중심의 가족주의, 그리고 친밀함과 애정적 관계를 대신한 도구적 가족주의에 기반하고 있음을 보여주며 가족이 세계화라는 구조적 변동에 비교적 빠르게 적응하는 유연한 집단임을 보여준다. 이러한 유연성은 한국의 중간계급이 자본주의 세계경제와 맺고 있는 불안성을 보여주는 동시에 초국적 가족을 추동하는 기제가 사회 이동에 대한 욕망구조 임을 보여준다. 기러기 가족의 출현은 한국 가족주의의 특수성과 세계체제하에서 한국사회가 처한 불안정성이 만나는 지점이다. 세계 여러 지역에서 출현하고 있는 초국적 가족현상은 자본과 노동력의 유연화가 일어나는 세계경제에서 가족이 어느 정도 강한 연대를 유지하고 어느 정도 유연할 수 있으며 그 결과 어떤 가족 관계와 가족 구성이 등장할 것인지 주목하게 하는 흥미로운 지점이다. This study is an ethnography of the Korean transnation family, so called 'Gi-ruh-gi(Wild Goose) family' where the father remains in Korea, while the mother and children in elementary or middle schools stay in the United States for the sake of children's education Data for this study is from observations of and interviews with Gi-ruh-gi families living in a certain area of the United States. The cases of this study are well-off upper middle class families who are eager to give better opportunity to their children at the cost of their conjugal relationship in the flexible globalizing society The findings show the way how globalization invades into the intimacy of the family which is vulnerable 'to unstable and insecure circumstances' of globalization The desire for upward social mobility is a major mechanism which works with Korean familism to adopt global split families The family can be very malleable and flexible to survive in the global society of flexible citizenship transnational families or multinational households are appearing in many regions of the world, however, the pattern and characteristics of transnational families are different depending on their positions in the world capitalist economy. Korean Gi-ruh-gi family represents weak and insecure the position of Korean middle classes in world capitalist economy It is a good point to lead an argument how much the family can be strong and flexible in the globalized society

문화 자본과 계급 재생산

조은 ( Uhn Cho ) 한국사회사학회 2001 사회와 역사 Vol.60 No.-

The competing relationship between cultural capital and economic capital is observed in class reproduction through everyday experiences of 17 families. Five families of professionals, four families of capitalists, four families of self-employers and four working class families are selected for this study. The research focus is on how cultural capital is competing with economic capital in principles of social hierarchy, and how the former is “reconverted” into the latter and vice versa. The finding of the study presents that cultural capital and economic capital are two major axis to differentiate life styles. However, its meaning is different dependent on class positions of the family. For the upper class, class reproduction depends more on cultural capital while the lower class more on economic capital. It suggests that cultural capital is inherited and accumulated economic capital. Everyday experiences of housing, leisure, jobs and schools are class differentiated and also class differentiating ones, bound by economic and cultural capital. The finding of the study presents that class distinction becomes more explicit as life styles are more under the influence of economic capital, though economic capital is not necessarily converted into cultural capital directly in everyday life. And further, cultural capital tends to be subject to economic capital. as traveling or studying abroad becomes cultural capital. It is also shown that class barrier becomes more explicit among classes as cultural capital is subject to economic capital; capitalists and professionals on one hand, and self-employed workers and labourers on the other.

부르디외를 빌려도 될까요?

조은(Cho, Uhn) 한국문화사회학회 2011 문화와 사회 Vol.11 No.-

이 논문은 분단이라는 한국사회의 특수성에 주목하면서 대척점에 놓인 사회적 기호가 된 ‘월남가족’과 ‘월북가족’의 계급재생산 트랙을 논의의 지점으로 삼아 한국사회에서 계급재생산에 작동하는 문화자본의 특수성의 일단을 독해하고자 했다. 이 논문의 자료는 구술사 프로젝트의 일환으로 월남자 가족(이하 월남 가족)과 월북자 가족(이하 월북 가족)의 가족사구술을 통해 미시적 수준에서 두 집단의 계급재생산의 궤적과 기제의 차이를 드러낼 의도로 수집한 월남가족 10사례, 월북가족 10사례의 가족사 자료이다. 월남가족과 월북가족의 3대에 걸친 사회이동 가계보는 냉전과 분단이라는 한국사회의 특수성을 드러낸다. 사례가족들이 보여주는 문화자본과 사회자본 또는 경제자본이 맺고 있는 관계는 이러한 특수성을 반영하며 부르디외의 장(場)이나 아비투스의 의미를 성찰하게 한다. 이 논문의 주요 관심은 크게 두 가지다. 하나는 구체적으로 월남 가족과 월북가족의 계급재생산의 과정과 궤적의 차이를 드러내는 문제와 다른 하나는 이를 설명하는 개념틀의 문제이다. 즉, 월남가족과 월북가족 3대에 걸친 계급이동 궤적을 분석하는데 부르디외의 문화자본과 계급재생산이라는 개념틀은 어떤 의미가 있는가에 대한 질문이다. 이 논문의 자료가 보여준 월남가족과 월북가족의 계급 재생산 궤적은 분명 문화자본이 계급재생산과 맺고 있는 관계에 대한 새로운 독해를 요구하며 부르디외의 특정 개념 특히 문화자본과 계급재생산의 원용과 치용에 대한 한국사회의 역사성과 특수성에 주목하게 한다. 이 논문은 이점에서 문제제기의 수준에 머물렀으며 문화자본과 상징폭력(또는 상징자본)의 관계에 더욱 천착해야 할 한 지점을 드러낸다. The Korean War and the division of the Korean Peninsula created a special category of families known as families separated into the North and the South. Among these separated families, families of defectors who crossed the dividing line to the North Korea(Wolbuk families) have been unrecognized quite a long time within the South Korean society. Wolbuk families do not simply mean the families of defectors who moved to the North geographically, but represent the social symbol of the "red family," so-called families of "those who chose North Korea." On the other hand families who crossed over the dividing line to the South(Wolnam families) represent the opposite social symbol. This paper aims to contextualize the concept of Bourdieu"s cultural capital within the class production of Wolnam and Wolbuk families. The paper presents 10 life stories of the Wolnam and Wolbuk families each, focusing on the social mobility trajectories of three generations of those families in different social classes. The different mode of transformation of cultural capital into social capital or economic capital between Wolnam and Wolbuk families highlights the champ and habitus of the specificity of Korean society. It demands to extend the meaning and usability of cultural capital to reflect the complicated relationship between cultural capital and symbolic capital.

모성의 사회적,역사적 구성

조은 ( Uhn Cho ) 한국사회사학회 1999 사회와 역사 Vol.55 No.-

It is widely admitted that patriarchy was strengthened in the Chosun dynasty and Confucianism is blamed as the prime cause of it. However, the major mechanisms to translate Confucian ideology to patriarchal order are not much investigated This paper focuses on the early period of Chosun when the major rules and practices of patriarchal governance were designed and established, though the Confucian patriarchal system was materialized in the middle and later period. If we define patriarchy as the system of male dominance, more specifically of the father``s dominance in the domestic mode of production, the positioning of mothers should he the contested terrain and a great problematic task within the society. This article attempts a feminist reading of Sillok and Kyongguk taejon to find out what kinds of motherhood were invented for the patriarchal order. Here, it is argued that women were essentialized and normalized as mothers, in particular as the mothers of sons, thus institutionalizing patriarchal domination; First of all, mothers were asked to mediate the status system to discredit their son``s status for the ruling class. Of course the way of in1posing mothers status on their sons followed a completely different set of rules for slaves. Secondly, mothers`` status and rights were emphasized to transfer their property and status to the son``s, not necessarily their natural sons, while the rights and status of wives were weakened. In the way, sons· mothers were distinguished from daughters`` mothers. Furthermore, a refined system of ranking mothers was developed: for example, eight categories of mothers were encoded within the mourning system. In other words, patriarchal dominance not only relied on differentiating between men and women, hut also differentiating among women themselves. In Sum. the gender system was closely tied to the dominance system and patriarchal motherhood became the strategic linking loop of them to entrench patriarchal domination.

모성,성,신분제 -『조선왕조실록』 "재가 금지" 담론의 재조명

조은 ( Uhn Cho ) 한국사회사학회 1997 사회와 역사 Vol.51 No.-

The paper reviews the ‘anti-remarriage’ discourse in the Choson Wangjo Sillock (the Veritable Records of the Choson dynasty), mostly focusing on the enacting process of ‘anti-remarriage’ law, so-called Jaeganyujason Kumkobub (outlawing remarried women’s son to take the civil service examination). It is argued here that Choson women’s acceptance of ‘remarriage prohibition’ was not due to the indoctrination of Confucian ideology of chastity but to the incentives of the status stratification. The core of the ‘anti-remarriage discourse’ was formulated on three issues: abolishing Susinjon (land granted to a widowed high-ranking official’s wife to preserve faithfulness); controlling women’s sexuality by inventing the most appreciated motherhood, ‘chastity-preserving motherhood’ out of chaste widowhood; and honoring faithful widows or stubborn chastity addicts who even sacrificed their lives in order to elevate their family status or to make their family exempted from the labor duty for the lower class women whose sons were nevertheless qualified for the state exams. The discourse reveals, on the one hand, how sexuality and motherhood were socially constructed and, on the other, how the Confucian ideology of chastity was translated into the ruling ideology of different vested interest groups to link women’s sexuality and motherhood to the status stratification, strengthening the patriarchy in the specific historical period of Choson Dynasty.

한말 서울 지역 첩의 존재 양식

조은 ( Uhn Cho ),조성윤 ( Sung Youn Cho ) 한국사회사학회 2004 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.65

Descendants of concubines in the Chosun era have been one of the important subjects to be studied for social history students. However, concubines themselves have rarely been sincere target of academic studies. With Hanmal Hansungbu Hojuk, this paper locates concubine households and addresses somewhat basic questions: class and status differences in concubine household heads, and differences of family structure between concubine households and ``common`` households without concubines. The data consist of 11,238 households residents in Seoul area, a part of Hanmal Hojuk, kept in Kyoto University museu. Hanmal Hansungbu Hojuk, so called Sinhojuk(new household register) is very close to modern form of census, collected in 1989, 1903 and 1906, around the end of Chosun dynasty. It was the time when concubines were disappearing legally but they were still registered in household census. According to the Hojuk data, 5.6% of the whole households include concubines, while almost one fifth yangban households include concubines. The higher ranking yangban officials and larger their houses are, the higher proportion of concubines they record. As much as 83.9% of concubine hokling households are Yangban. Concubines do not necessarily co-reside in Bonga(husband``s principal house with legitimate wife). Almost 95% of concubines have their own households, separate from Bonga. Their houses are larger than the average though their family size is smaller. Concubines are registered under more then 20 different names, impling that the role and positions of concubines can be varying or ambiguous. Demographic information of concubines such as age differences between concubines and their household heads or between concubines and legitimate wives demand further investigation regarding functions and services imposed to concubines. This study is just one step toward making invisible women, concubines, visible, requesting further attention to those hidden categories of women in social history.