公企業에 대한 政府統制의 類型?究

千代承(Dae Seung Chun) 부산대학교 법학연구소 1976 법학연구 Vol.19 No.1

發展行政에 있어서의 政策?定

千代承(Dae-Seung chun) 부산대학교 법학연구소 1973 법학연구 Vol.15 No.1

發展計劃의 作成技法에 關한 ?究

千代承(Dae Seung Chun) 부산대학교 법학연구소 1974 법학연구 Vol.16 No.1

行政情報體制에 關한 試論

千代承(Dae-Seung Chun) 부산대학교 법학연구소 1981 법학연구 Vol.24 No.1

지방공산품 수출전략의 최적화방안 - 경남도 상공행정의 경우 -

천대승 ( Dae - Seung Chun ) 한국행정학회 1979 韓國行政學報 Vol.13 No.-

發展行政家의 形態에 관한 硏究

千代承(Dae Seung Chun) 부산대학교 법학연구소 1975 법학연구 Vol.18 No.1

釜山地域 公務員의 統一政策에 관한 意議構造 ?究

朴準用(Joon-yong Park),許鍾玉(Jong-Ok Heo),千代承(Dae-Seung Chun) 부산대학교 법학연구소 1978 법학연구 Vol.20 No.1

勤勞者의 意識이 統一問題에 미치는 影響 分析

千代承 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1989 社會科學論叢 Vol.8 No.1

With the process of rapid and high rate of economic growth concentrated and led by industrialization program, during the past decades, significant changes have been noted. They have created serious structural imbalance, the limping labor-management relationships and a class consciousness in so called guided capitalism in Korea. Consequently, the popular unification view would tend to prevail in whole national society. The main purpose in this study is to analyse the effects of the labor's problemic consciousness on the conception of national unification issues. The results of this study are follows. First, the industrial workers in Korean capitalist society consist of white collar workers including professional, technical, clerical, and sales workers etc. as well as blue collar. Thus new middle stratum seems to have labor consciousness. Labor movement in Korea previously showed the economic interest-oriented attitude, while, since 1980s, it has been oriented to the struggle of political dimensions, noticeably after the Declaration of Democratization on June 29, 1987. In 1986, labor disputes occurred only 276 times, but rapidly rose to 3,700 cases in 1987; however, it has declined to 1,800 cases, in 1988. Anyway, labor consider the higher economic growth as the outcome of the effort by the working people themselves and their sacrifice. It can be said that such oppositional concept was attributed to employer's ignorance of the fair mode of management which was lost by the existence of premodern management ideology. Furthermore, government intervention in labor disputes were largely one-sided in favor of the management. Second, there is noticeable gulf between the poor and rich. Since 1980, labor's wage could not come up with their increasing rate of living cost and the gap between the two widened year after year. On average, labor wage scale shows one halt of the price of working. Therefore, the imagination that the rich get richer and the poor get poorer could be plausible. An income of the top class of only 20 percent takes possession of 42 percent of whole national income, while the lowest class of 40 percent has held only 18.9 percent of national income. The large financial clique has represented monopolistic and oligopolistic concentration of the capital in nation wide market. Particularly, as the giant family trust, their stock holding ratio is shown to be 32.6 percent which excelled that of Japanese big trust. Third, on consciousness of unification and class consciousness, there could be cited a set of data gathered in nation wide survey by Prod. Han Sang Jin, and The Press, Dong-a Ilbo. That is, the clerical white collar have more popular ascriptive consciousness than manufacturing labor. Conclusively, the axis of conservative, innovative, and radical ideals almost accords with middle class ascription, amphibious ascription, and popularistic ascription. The perspectives on unification of Korea included industrial people, appeared as 'unification be possible ' by 33.1 percent of the total respondents, while 'unification not possible' by 43.6 percent of it. And the reason why it is not possible was shown as follows. That is antagonism of ideologie(45.9%), the interest conflict of big powers locates around the Korean peninsula(19.6%), and the conflicting interests of political leaders(16.9%) Fourth, an analysis of the labor consciousness in Pusan area which affects the unification problem was executed. So data used in this analysis are collected from 9 large sized enterprises and medium sized in Pusan. The methods used were correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis. (1) Causal analysis of variables among labor's consciousness. On consciousness of labor-management relationships, the more dissatisfactory to management they are and the higher education they have had, the more antagonistic attitudes to labor-management relationships have been revealed. On consciousness of class conflict, the labor who have affirmative view of society are moderate to conflicting class consciousness. (2) Analysis concerning unification issues. The influencing variables which affects the desire for unification are the view of society and of government. The more affirmative to the society and the more critical to government, the eagerer they were to desire unification. The critical view of government is meant by their feelings on the government intervention to labor-management relationships and favoring management side. Evaluative concepts on unification policy of government is as follows: Among the influential factors, income appeared as negative(β=-.098) to the policy; i.e., the higher the income, the less satisfactory to the government policy on unification. The view of society appeared as affirmative(β=-.188) to the unification policy. The class conflict tendency appeared as negative(β=-.110) to the government unification policy. Finally, during the past two decades and a half, we had few normal labor policy but rapid economic growth policy. The vital matter is effective management of the distributive policy and the system. And political circles should be integrated around biparty system which consists of the conservatives and the progressives. The progressives must gradually coalesce the democratic labor movement into established political circles.

北韓의 對外政策 小考 : 在日 朝總漣과의 關係를 中心으로 Focusing on its relation to the General League of Korean in Japan

千代承 부산대학교 통일문제연구소 1984 統一論叢 Vol.6 No.-

In this paper an attempt is made to review North Korea's diplomatic policy toward Japan, including the relation of the Korean Worker's Party to the General League of Korean in Japan (Jochongryon), and also toward the Third word under the changing international environment. The characteristics of environment began to change in 1980's and the Soviet activity is growing in East Asia. For different reasons, both the Soviet Union and Communist China favor maintaining the status quo in Korean peninsula. Both the U.S-China alliance system and Japan-China relations system influenced North Korea's policy toward Japan. The Pyongyang Regime desired to promote mutual ties on broad fields with Tokyo including economic cooperation. Following the signing of the R.O.K-Japanese Normalization Treaty of 1965, Japan ruled out and minimized her contact with North Korea. However, under the rubric of 'separation of politics and economics', a small amount of barter trade was carried out non-official, private level. Meanwhile, North Korea's proclamation of the 200 miles economic zone in 1977 and hardships in negotiating an extension of the private level fishery agreement issues are troublesome between two countries. Furthermore, North Korea's inability to pay its trade debts to Japan caused serious problems in the relations between them. Under such givens, September 1984, North Korea promulgated Joint Investment and Management Enterprise Law which aimed to induce foreign capital especially Japanese one. But because of the failure in the 2nd Seven Year Economic Plan (1978∼84), excess of military expenditures, the regim's contradictoriness, and the social backwardness, North Korea seems to be unable to accomplish its new policy. In Japan, Jochongryon, led by Han Duck-Soo, was in subordinate to the direct control of North Korean Worker's Party, from 1955 to present. In 1960s, K.W.P. got Jochongryon to conduct a campaign for 'repatriating to North home'. Its aim was to supplement the shortage of manpower in North Korea. As individual rights do not exist there, the returnees was diminished extremely. The other side, Jochongryon gave priority to ideological learnings and educated offsprings so as to become new communist by molding the youth through Kim Il Sung's Juche Idea. These program is under control of K.W.P. in the cloak of national education. Entering 1970s, the organition's pathology of Jochongryon was appeared, in the form of bureaucracy and arbitrariness caused by Han's clan. In the latter half of 1984, its reorganization moves started to pave way for Kim Chung Il's hereditary system. Against these backgrounds, North Korea found it necessary to expand the scope of its diplomatic activities. To the advantage of the growing strength of Non-Aligned countries, Kim Il Sung was seeking the enhancement of diplomatic and military ties with them. North Korea aimed to outflank and isolate the R.O.K in its international society, and differently had effort to deliver the Relief goods for the Flood disaster area in South Korea and to participate South-North economic talks, after the outrage of Rangoon incident in October 1983. Insofar as the prospects for the future of Japan's economic exchange with North Korea, even if the latter is oriented to so called open economic system, an enormous expansion of the exchange cannot be expected. Yet the strategy of forceful reunification of the Korean peninsula still remains the fundamental doctrine of North Korea. To withstand the challenge posed by changing security environment, we firstly need a consideration of significance of the pull and pushes of domestic politics, and should further explore an effective skill of diplomacy.

行政組織에서의 人間類型 分析

천대승 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1993 社會科學論叢 Vol.12 No.1

The objectives of this study are personality types of organizational man and the transforming the humanizing organizations in Post-Capitalist society and Korea. Eventhough the bureaucratic structure of administrative organization is capable of attaining the highest degree of efficiency, it have oppressed the human's creativity and the will for self-actualization. Therefore, I have viewed some critical society theory to existing bureaucratic apparatus, and several affirmative function theory plus it's development inquiries. Under such theoretical backgrounds, the analyses of the personality types in administrative organizations are classifying into (1) upward mobiles, (2) indifference, (3) ambivalent, (4) zealots and, (5) advocates, which are introduced by both the hypothesis of Robert Prethus and of Anthony Downs. Nowadays, the knowledge workers as well as officials included the personality types of various technocrat want to have comfortable work place, and they would allow themselves to live a easy life both at formal job and home. Furthermore, in my present analysis, man's consciousness and subconsciousness could rather affected to the characteristic of the organization. And this study suggest that the goal of self-actualization of man could be integrated into the goal of the organizations. In near future, the work of administrative organizations will be differentiated into specific role in the process of political development. Thus, fundamental determinant of changing types of post-bureaucratic system would rest on the administrative innovation depended upon personality and objective of organizational man. The officials, who is in era of democratization of Korea, should be recognized the role of humanizing public administration, and the capability of self-fulfillment of themselves.