한국민족주의의 발생양식과 전개과정에 관한 연구 : 민족주의의 사상과 역사적 전개의 분리적 검토를 통한 통합적 이해의 시도=

김혜승 梨花女子大學校 1990 국내박사

舊 韓末 國史敎科書에 反映된 韓國民族主義分析

윤세라 淑明女子大學校 1997 국내박사

본 연구의 목적은 구한말에서 일본제국주의의 강점으로 전환되는 시기인 1895년에서 1910년 사이에 간행된 국사교과서에 민족주의의 반영여부와 그 성격을 분석하는 것이다. 본 연구의 목적을 달성하기 위하여 다음과 같은 연구문제가 설정되었다. 첫째, 서구와 구별되는 한국민족주의의 개념을 구명하고 그 성격을 좀 더 명확히 규정짓기 위해 구한말 제반사상이 지나는 민족주의의 성격을 밝힌다. 둘째, 한국민족주의의 성격을 기술하고 그 사상이 정치, 경제, 사회, 교육 등의 영역에서 나타나는 특징을 분석한다. 셋째, 구한말 국사교과서에 민족주의가 반영되는 과정이 있었는지를 그 편찬정책과 법규를 통하여 알아본다. 넷째, 한국민족주의와 관련된 중심사상이 교과서내용에 반영된 내용, 빈도, 유형을 분석하여 구한말 국사교과서의 특정을 밝힌다. 이러한 연구문제를 토대로 다음과 같은 결론을 도출할 수 있었다. 구한말 국사교과서는 모두 전근대적민족주의의 내용이 많이 기술되었으며 위정척사사상의 민족주의 요소가 동학사상이나 개화사상보다 많이 기술되어 있음을 알 수 있다. 전근대적민족주의 및 근대적 민족주의가 가장 많이 반영된 교과서는 발매금지교과서로 「보통교과 동국역사」였다. 전근대적 민족주의의 빈도가 가장 낮게 반영된 교과서는 학부검정필 교과서인 「초등본국약사」 「신찬초등역사」로 이들 교과서는 근대적 민족주의와 관련하여 빈도면에서는 높게 나타났으나 절대 빈도 면에서 아주 낮게 기술됨으로써 민족주의가 가장 적게 반영되었음을 알 수 있었다. 위정척사사상에서는 전근대적 민족주의와 관련한 교육내용이 언급되었으나 동학사상에서는 전근대적 민족주의와 근대적 민족주의 양쪽 모두에서 교과서에 교육적인 내용에 관한 기술이 없었다. 개화사상은 정치, 경제, 문화, 교육 등 제반 영역에 걸쳐 교과서 내용에 전근대적 민족주의 요소가 나타나지 않았으며 근대적 민족주의 요소는 모든 영역과 관련하여 교과서에 언급되어 있음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 개화사상은 민족주의와 관련하여 위정척사사상이나 동학사상과 달리 교육에 대해 강조하였음에도 실제로 교과서 내용에 관련된 기술은 매우 적었음을 알 수 있다. 이상 각 사상이 국사교과서에 반영된 상황을 살펴보았는데 위정척사사상은 전근대적 민족주의의 경향이 교과서에 강하게 반영되었음을 알 수 있었고, 동학사상의 경우는 전근대적 민족주의와 근대적 민족주의의 반영된 상황이 비슷하였으나 교과서에 기술된 내용이 절대빈도면에서 매우 낮았음을 알 수 있었다. 각 교과서에 반영된 민족주의의 성격에 있어서는 전근대적 민족주의가 가장 많이 반영된 교과서는 「보통교과 동국역사」였으며, 근대적 민족주의가 가장 많이 반영된 교과서도 역시 「보통교과 동국역사」였다. 전근대적 민족주의가 가장 적게 반영된 교과서는 「초등본국략사」 「신찬초등역사」였으며, 근대적 민족주의가 가장 적게 반영된 교과서는 「조선역사」였다. 본 연구는 분석과정에서 빈도에 의존한 양적 연구이다. 이에 후속연구에서는 각 교과서내용의 특성을 좀 더 명확히 구명하기 위해 가치, 태도 및 이와 관련된 요소들의 강도를 측정한 연구가 기대된다. The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of the Korean nationalism in Korean history textbooks published in between 1895 and 1910, when Korea had been amexed to Japan by force. To achieve the purpose four detail subjects were set up as follows. I. The concept of the Korean nationalism distinguished from the West is examined. And the Korean nationalism in the late Yi dynasty in every aspect is also examined to clear up its characteristics. II. It is analyzed that the reality of the Korean nationalism at that time and its effects on policies, economy, education and so on. III. It is examined whether the Korean nationalism was reflected on those history textbooks or not through the compilation policy and rules for them at that time. IV. Through an analysis of their contents, frequency of reflection and types of the main idea from the Korean nationalism, the history textbooks are characterized. On the basis of these analysis and examinations, the conclusion of the subjects could be taken as follows. All history textbooks in the late Yi dynasty says about the premodern nationalism so much. Besides Defending Orthodoxy And Rejecting Heterodoxy Thought is shown much more than Tonghak or Enlightenment thought in the textbooks. Botonggyoguadongkukyoksa <보통교과동국역사>, which was put the ban on sale then, was the textbook that reflected the premodern and modem nationalism most. The textbooks that have the lowest frequency of reflection of the premodern nationalism were Chodungbonkukyaksa <초등본국약사> and Shinchan-chodungdongkukyoksa <신찬초등동국역사>, which were certified in schools at that time. These two books show the high frequency of reflection of the modern nationalism, but actually the frequency is never high when it is considered in the absolute frequency. So the two books can be thought to be the books that reflected the nationalism least. On Defending Orthodoxy And Rejecting Heterodoxy Thought, it can be shown that the educational contents related with the premodern nationalism in the books. But on Tonghak Thought, neither the premodern nor modem nationalism for students can be shown in the books. And on the Enlightenment Thought, the premodern nationalism is not shown in the textbooks on various matters such as policy, economy, culture, education, etc.. But the modern nationalism can be shown on every aspects in the textbooks. Unlike Defending Orthodoxy And Rejecting Heterodoxy Thought, Enlightenment Thought thought much of education with the nationalism. Nevertheless there were little actual contents about it in the books. From the facts above that show how the thoughts were reflected in the history textbooks, it can be understood that the Defending Orthodoxy And Rejecting Heterodoxy Thought emphasized on the premodern nationalism in the textbooks. And that Tonghak Thought emphasized on both the premodern and modern nationalism. But they were mentioned little in the textbooks. Considering the differences of the reflection of the nationalism, the premodern nationalism was reflected most in Botonggyoguadongkukyoksa <보통교과동국역사>, and so was the modern nationalism. The textbooks that reflected the premodern nationalism least were Chodungbonkukyaksa <초등본국략사> and Shinchanchodungyoksa <신찬초등역사>. And Chosunyoksa <조선역사> reflected the modern nationalism least. This study depends on the frequency of the reflections. Therefore, it is expected that the examination for values, attitude and intensity in each history textbooks for more clarification of them.

Korean Identity in the English Classroom : Perceived National Identity in Relation to Critical Multiculturalism

Heather Holladay Harper 단국대학교 국제대학원 2017 국내석사

In 2016, South Korea had over 99,000 multicultural students register for school (Ministry of Education, 2017). Despite the consistent increase in multicultural students yearly, many teachers and students are unsure of how to address diversity and inclusion in the classroom (Kyun, Ha, & Chung, 2012; Park, 2016; Tanghe, 2016). In the case of Korean national identity, multicultural students may have an identity that is not acknowledged by other members of the community around them, marginalizing them and reducing their investment in the classroom and the community (Norton, 2011). For students within Korean classrooms to truly understand each other, students must discuss the way other cultures are depicted by the dominant discourse and acknowledge the limitations and stereotypes perpetuated by those discourses. This critical ethnography is highly concerned with multicultural education within Korea and its effect on both Korean students and multicultural students. Critical multicultural (Kubota, 1999) methods were used in conjunction with identity theory (Norton, 2011) underpinnings to investigate the imagined communities (Anderson, 2006) of 19 Korean university students in an English through Art class. Personal narratives, critical multicultural activities, and a survey were analyzed using convergent parallel mixed methods in a side-by-side approach, with the intent of qualitative data supporting quantitative data, as defined by Creswell (2014). The researcher aimed to investigate how the participants perceive themselves and others, and the rights to membership they require for people of diverse backgrounds to be welcomed into the Korean national community. The findings suggest the participants have diverse opinions concerning what it means to be Korean and who can become a member of the national community. There are indications of positive change, but further implementation of critical multicultural practices is necessary to address the urgent and increasing need of multicultural student equality.

재외동포의 국민건강보험 적용확대에 대한 입법정책적 과제 : 대한민국 체류 시 지역가입자 적용을 중심으로

김형호 연세대학교 대학원 2018 국내박사

ABSTRACT Legislative Tasks for the Expansion of Provision of the National Health Insurance for Overseas Koreans - Focusing on the Application of Residence Based Participants in Case of Staying in Korea - Hyung Ho, Kim Department of Medical Law and Ethics Graduated School Yonsei University The National Health Insurance System in the Republic of Korea (hereafter ‘Korea’) has made remarkable progress since its inception in 1977. In 1989, universal medical care for the citizens in Korea was secured. The National Health Insurance System is benchmarked around the world because of its reasonable costs, excellent quality of medical care and effective management. However, its provision for overseas Koreans is inadequate. At the end of 2016, there were 7.4 million Koreans who lived overseas. Mainly, these were the Koreans and their descendants who were exiled to other countries against their will. These people had to put up with a lot of hardship, settle down in a foreign country and, also, contribute to their home country. China, India and Israel strategically strengthen their connections with their nationals living overseas. Similarly, Korea pursues overseas Koreans' policies for the purpose of strengthening its global networks. These policies include protecting the Koreans overseas and a national strategy, establishing the Koreans-Americans network online and off-line, and developing policies for the Koreans overseas based on regional and historical characteristics. It is possible to realize these policies through expanding the provision of the National Health Insurance for overseas Koreans. By overseas Koreans we refer to the Koreans who hold the nationality of the Republic of Korea or a foreign nationality. These people are protected by the Act on the Immigration and Legal Status of Overseas Koreans and have the right to access the National Health Insurance. Overseas Koreans are subjects to protection under the Article 2 (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea. On the other hand, overseas Koreans with a foreign nationality are not protected by any provisions in the Constitution. However, they are still considered to be Korean nationals based on their bloodline in the constitutional theory. Thus, overseas Koreans are subjects to the principles of fundamental social rights, social state principles, social solidarity, social security and health rights. For equality reasons, the issue of infringement of equity and equal rights with the Koreans is dismissed. In addition, overseas Koreans have high expectations for medical services. Also, the expansion of provision of the National Health Insurance to overseas Koreans is requested to promote the diplomacy of unification, to reinforce Korean national networks, to revitalize Korea’s medical industry, and to improve socioeconomic aspects. However, the current system is dominated by foreigners and overseas Koreans are treated as subsidiary when they apply for the National Health Insurance. For overseas Koreans, it is inconvenient to apply for the National Health Insurance after three months of entry and not to receive medical care in the country of residence. From the point of view of Koreans’ who reside in Korea on a permanent basis and who pay their insurance for the duration of their lives, it is unfair. They complain about the fact that foreigners and overseas Koreans come for a brief time, pay premiums for a few months, get expensive medical care, and return to the countries of their permanent residence. Foreigners and overseas Koreans create a deficit. Thus, there is a lot of concern about the future financial situation of the National Health Insurance. It is time to reflect on the necessity of expanding the provision of the National Health Insurance for overseas Koreans. Also, it is time for the overall review and improvement plans based on the current status of the system and recognition of its problems. To summarize, the problems are as follows: (1) restrictions on the period to qualify after three months of entry; (2) a possibility to pay insurance premiums only in Korea and not to be treated in the country of residence; (3) the absence of separate regulations for overseas Koreans; (4) the absence of differentiation between foreigners and overseas Koreans due to a foreigner-oriented system; and (5) the issue of fairness for the Koreans who live in Korea on a permanent basis. This study suggests a legislative task to expand the provision of the National Health Insurance for overseas Koreans. The short-term legislative tasks include: (1) the enactment of separate regulations for the provision of the National Health Insurance for overseas Koreans and (2) shortening of the period of required residence in Korea. The mid-long term legislative task is a future-oriented view. We suggest a legislative task that assumes the ordinary insurance premium burden and the global National Health Insurance network. To be specific, the following is required: (1) establishing a future-oriented comprehensive plan for the National Health Insurance for overseas Koreans; (2) establishing a global National Health Insurance network; (3) establishing a global health service system; (4) managing the National Health Insurance System for overseas Koreans separately; and (5) activation of medical tourism. To achieve this, the legislative way of expanding the provision of the National Health Insurance for overseas Koreans needs a viable strategy. This is because there are short-term and long-term objectives that are feasible within the current system and beyond. In terms of the establishment of the global health insurance network and the global medical service system, it would be possible for Koreans to receive medical care anywhere in the world. Also, the introduction of global Korean medical care will revitalize medical tourism and the medical industry in Korea. However, more research is needed to overcome the limitations of this study and to develop a comprehensive approach. To summarize, we should keep in mind the old saying “Give up the small things and get the big ones (小失大貪).” The expansion of the National Health Insurance System for overseas Koreans might look like a loss, but the benefits are greater in the end. This will enable the Korean people and Korea to realize a prosperous future vision and to provide medical assurance as an important policy for the protection of overseas Koreans. Key words: overseas Koreans, National Health Insurance Act, National Health Insurance application, National Health Insurance, legal status of overseas Koreans, overseas Koreans policy, protection of overseas Koreans, foreign nationals, Koreans with foreign citizenship, overseas Koreans network, medical export, medical industry, medical tourism 국문 요약 재외동포의 국민건강보험 적용확대에 대한 입법정책적 과제 - 대한민국 체류 시 지역가입자 적용을 중심으로 - 한국의 국민건강보험은 1977년 시작된 이래 눈부신 발전을 거듭하여 1989년에는 전 국민을 대상으로 하는 보편적 의료보장을 실현하였다. 합리적 비용과 뛰어난 의료의 질, 효과적인 관리 등으로 인해 세계 각국의 벤치마킹 대상이 되고 있다. 그러나 재외동포에 대한 국민건강보험 적용은 미약하고 이마저도 논란의 대상이 되고 있다. 재외동포는 2016년 말 현재 세계에 740만이 흩어져 살고 있다. 이들은 한민족의 아픈 역사 속에서 타의에 의하여 각국으로 내몰린 조선인들과 그 후예들을 중심으로 하고 있다. 어려운 상황임에도 불구하고 열심히 노력하며 정착하고 고국을 위하여 여러 가지 도움을 주고 있다. 740만 해외동포의 존재자체가 한민족의 힘이고 경제력이다. 중국, 인도, 유대인 등은 전략적으로 자국의 재외동포 네트워크를 더욱 강화하면서 신자유주의 시대의 세계경쟁에서 앞서가려고 하고 있다. 한국도 재외동포에 대한 글로벌 네트워크를 강화하는 것을 목적으로 재외동포 정책을 펴고 있다. 강력한 재외동포 보호 및 국가전략화, 대한민국 특유의 한인네트워크 구축, 온라인 통합한인네트워크 구축, 지역별·역사적 특수성에 따른 재외동포정책 등이다. 재외동포에 대한 국민건강보험의 적용확대를 통하여 이러한 재외동포 정책을 실제적이고 강력하게 실현할 수가 있다. 재외동포는 한국국적을 가지고 외국에 거주하고 있는 재외국민과 외국국적을 소유한 한민족인 외국국적동포를 함께 일컫는 말이다. 재외동포에 대하여 재외동포법 등에서 보호의 대상이며 국민건강보험을 받을 권리를 가지고 있다. 재외국민은 헌법 제2조 제2항에 의하여 보호의 대상이고 외국국적동포는 헌법상 명문의 규정은 없으나 헌법이론적 측면에서 혈통주의에 따른 민족구성원으로서, 대한민국 국민으로서, 실질적 국적 보유자로서의 지위에 있다. 따라서 재외동포는 사회적 기본권의 주체로서의 지위, 사회국가원리, 사회연대성의 원리의 적용을 받으며 사회보장 및 건강권의 주체가 된다. 적극적 평등실현조치의 대상으로 내국인과의 형평성 및 평등권 침해 논란도 불식된다. 그리고 재외동포의 고국 의료서비스에 대한 기대가 크고 통일외교의 진작, 한민족네트워크 강화, 의료산업 활성화, 사회경제적인 측면 등에서 재외동포 국민건강보험 적용의 확대가 요청된다. 그러나 현행의 제도는 외국인이 주 대상이고 재외동포는 외국인에 대한 국민건강보험 적용의 부수적인 대우를 받고 있다. 재외동포 입장에서는 입국 3개월이 지나야 국민건강보험 적용을 받을 수 있고, 거주국 내에서는 진료를 받을 수 없으며, 혜택 받는 동포의 거주국 지역이 편중되고 있는 불편함이 있다. 내국인 입장에서는 평생 보험료를 납부하고 있는데 외국인 및 재외동포가 잠깐 와서 몇 개월 보험료를 내고 고가의 진료를 받고 자기나라로 돌아가는 먹튀를 하고 있다고 생각되어 불만이 많다. 외국인 및 재외동포의 수지는 적자이어서 보험재정이 가득이나 어려울 것으로 예상되는 마당에 걱정이 많다. 재외동포 국민건강보험 적용 확대 필요성, 현행 제도의 현황 및 문제점 인식을 바탕으로 전반적인 검토, 개선책을 생각해 보아야 할 때이다. 먼저 문제점은 1)입국 후 3개월 후로 자격취득 기간의 제한 2)한국 내에서만 보험급여 가능 및 거주국 현지에서의 진료 불가능 3)재외동포에 대한 별도의 규정 부존재 4)외국인 중심의 제도운영으로 재외동포와 외국인간의 차별성 미흡 5)소수 재외동포 거주국으로 편중된 이용 6)내국인과의 형평성 논란 등으로 정리된다. 이러한 고찰을 터 잡아 재외동포 국민건강보험 적용확대에 대한 입법정책적 과제를 제안한다. 단기적인 입법정책적 과제로는 1)재외동포 국민건강보험 적용에 대한 별도의 규정 제정 2)국내거주 기간의 단축 등이다. 중장기적인 입법정책적 과제는 큰 틀의 미래지향적인 관점에서의 과제이다. 상시적 보험료 부담, 글로벌 국민건강보험 네트워크를 전제로 한 입법정책적 과제의 제안이다. 구체적으로는 1)재외동포 국민건강보험에 대한 미래지향적인 종합계획 수립의 바탕위에서 2)글로벌 국민건강보험 네트워크 구축 3)글로벌 의료서비스 체계 구축 4)재외동포 국민건강보험의 별도 관리 5)의료관광 및 의료한류 등 활성화 등의 방향으로 개편해 나가야 한다. 이상과 같이 제안한 재외동포 국민건강보험 적용의 확대 입법정책적 방안은 단기와 장기, 현행 제도 내에서 가능한 것과 현행법령을 뛰어 넘고 많은 논의를 거쳐야 할 것 등으로 혼재되어 있어 가능한 것부터 단계적인 실행전략이 필요하다. 글로벌 국민건강보험 네트워크 및 글로벌 의료서비스 체계구축 시는 한민족이 긴밀한 네트워킹을 하면서 세계어디서나 편리하게 진료를 받고 세계 곳곳에 한국의 의료가 진출하여 의료관광과 의료산업이 획기적으로 활성화 될 것이다. 이를 실현하기 위한 많은 한계점들이 존재하며 후속연구를 기대한다. 맺는말은 소실대탐(小失大貪)을 되새겨야 한다는 것이다. 작은 것을 잃고 큰 것을 얻으라는 말이다. 재외동포에 대한 국민건강보험 적용확대는 잃는 것 같지만 더 큰 것을 얻게 된다. 아니 조금 더 살펴보면 사실은 잃는 것도 없다. 재외동포 국민건강보험 적용확대는 재외동포 보호의 중요정책으로서의 의료보장 실현은 물론 한민족과 대한민국과 번영된 미래비전을 추구할 수 있게 된다. 핵심 되는 말 : 재외동포, 국민건강보험법, 국민건강보험 적용, 재외동포의 법적 지위, 재외동포 정책, 재외동포 보호, 재외국민, 외국국적동포, 재외동포 네트워크, 의료수출, 의료산업, 의료관광

韓國民族主義形成에 관한 硏究

김창수 東亞大學校 大學院 1985 국내박사

This thesis is a study of the formation of modern national consciousness in Korea through two representative personages and two movements. Korean national consciousness which took form since the Open-door in 1876 amid the turmoil of the invasion of Japanese capitalism and Contradictions of the feudal society and its disintegration was very significant in that it constituted the foundation of the national movement in 20th century. Hwang Hyun(1855-1910) was a rather conservative scholar-poet in the countryside who was very critical of the Government for its corruption and inconsistent policy. However, his major contribution toward the formation of national consciousness was in his role of a historian. He wrote many books including “Mae-chun Yarok” and “Oha Ki-moon,” the eye-witness accounts of the turbulent period. A fierce patriot, he put up a strong resistance against Japanese invasion with his pen, though not in action, showing the invincible national consciousness of the Korean intellectuals at the time of a national crisis. Kim Byung-shi (1832-1898) was a career bureaucrat in the Conservative government whose highest post was that of Prime Minister. Unlike most of his collegues at the time, he was a moderate reformist who tried to overcome the economic crisis with an economic policy for the grassroots welfare. A stateman of the independent policy, he took a firm stand against Japanese at the Coup in the 1884, and opposed to the policy of inviting the foreign armies to suppress the peasants in the Dong-hak Peasant Revolution in 1894 on the ground that it was wrong for the Korean government to call for the help of the foreign armies to kill Korean peasanats, even if they were rebel against the government. Around the period of the ignominious Korean-Japanese Treaty in 1905, a group of the enlightened new intellectuals made great efforts to overcome the national crisis. They promoted published the text-books of Korean history in which they proclaimed patriotism, independence and Anti-Japanese feeling based upon the profound national consciousness. Dong-hak (The Learningof the East) was a Korean religion founded by Choi-Je-woo (1824-1864) based upon the native Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism to oppose the Seo-hak, The Learning of the West-Christianity. It emphasized the value of man and was anti-feudalism and anti-foreign invasion. These main thoughts of Dong-hak grew into the guiding principle of Jon Bong-jun(1854-1895) who led the Revolution. Though there are some scholars who refuse to recognize any relation between Dong-hak perce and the Revolution, it is clear that both were related very closely in many ways. The Revolution, though ended unsuccessful due to the invasion of the foreign armies, was a historical event of great magnitude,it determined the course of the formationof national consciousness and the development of national movements, heralding the later anti-feudal and anti-Japanese national movements.

재일조선인의 정체성과 국적 : 재일조선인 3세를 중심으로

김숙자 동국대학교 대학원 2007 국내석사

The purpose of this study is to find out the identity and the idea about the nationality of Koreans in Japan who are third generation. Their grandparents came to Japan in 1930’s~40’s when Korea was Japanese colony. 95,743 people of them acquired the Japanese nationalities from 1952 to 2005, but 447,805 people keep holdings either ‘Korean’ or ‘Republic of Korean’ nationalities in 2005 Koreans in Japan have three differences in comparison with other ethnic groups. First, they have the national education system from the primary schools to the university. Second, the division of Korean Peninsula had a great influence upon their community. Third, Japanese government’s policies toward them have been discriminative. I interviewed 17 Koreans in Japan, and referred articles about Korean and essays written by Koreans. In the interview with them I asked four questions. Three was about differences of Koreans in Japan, and the last one was about the method to improve their legal position. As a result of the interview, I see 4 features of their ideas over the nationality. First, most of them don’t think the nationality as the key factor to prove the members of the country. Second, most of them think that nationality and nation mean different. Third, the reason why many people do not acquire the Japanese nationalities is that they resist the policy of Japanese government toward them. Forth, the most important matter for Koreans in Japan is national education not nationality. And all of them are very sensitive to the discrimination against them. Their identity is that they are discriminated because anyone of their family was from Korean Peninsula. The ways of expressing their own identity are different, based on the degree of understanding the cultures of Korean in Japan including the language and history. Also the view on the nationalism expressed by the interviewees seems to be impacted by where they belong to. The existence of the community where they can meet the people who have the same background and feeling has the influence on their view. Some of them who have the knowledge on cultures of the Korean in Japan and belong to Korean community are invincible toward discrimination. Some of them, who belong to the Korean community, don’t have the knowledge on Korean culture. Many famous Koreans, professional sports players, singers and actors, declare openly ‘I’m a Korean in Japan’. Most of them belong to a Korean community, and they are invincible toward discrimination. They declare they fight against the discrimination. They say ‘everyone is equal’. But sometimes their fighting is against the sense of Koreans in Japan. And some of them, who have the knowledge, don’t belong to the Korean community. In Japan the discrimination against Korean is deep-rooted. It is impossible that an individual stands against it. One of them remarks ‘I have ceased from the Korean in Japan and now I proud to be Japanese.’ The community is important to establish the sound identity. Now over 80% of Koreans in Japan gets married with Japanese. After 1985 in the case that nationalities of parents are different, their children may have two nationalities until 22years old. Most of them will select ‘Japanese’ nationality before they are 22 years old. The number of Koreans in Japan whose nationality is Japan will increase, but their identity will not disappear as far as there is discrimination. And national education for them will become more important.

만주지역 대한국민회 회장 具春先 연구

배정현 수원대학교 2015 국내석사

Gu Chun-Seon is an independence activist who represents the anti-Japanese movement of manchuria around the 1919 3‧1 Independence Movement. As president of Korean National Association, a representative independence movement organization in North Gando, he was a figure who led the anti-Japanese movement in North Gando. Gu Chun-Seon was born in Onseong, Hamgyeongbukdo in 1860. He worked as chief gatekeeper at palace before moving to North Gando from 1878. He moved to Yianji, North Gando with his families in 1899 although he was a solider for the Korean Empire. After moving there, he accepted Christianity by Robert Grierson, missionary of the Presbyterian Church in Canada. He established a Yongjeongsi church in 1906 and helped with establishing Hapmadang Church in 1913. As shown above, he led in establishing an early Christian church in Yongjeong, North Gando and played a big role in spreading Christianity in North Gando. Christianity also exerted a big influence on his national movement and independence movement as well as formation of his national consciousness. In late 1900s, the people in North Gando felt the necessity of an organization which would protect and educate them and show national competence as more and more Koreans were immigrating. As a result, Ganmin(people in North Gando) Educational Organization was formed in 1909 and he participated in establishing this organization. In 1911, he engaged in educational activities when he worked as assistant administrator of Gil-Dong Christian Village School erected by Lee Dong-Hui. In 1913, Ganminhoe, the first legal Koreans' Self-Governing Unit was established. Gu Chun-Seon was one of the promoters of Ganminhoe and also undertook the position of head of branch. As seen above, he consolidated his position as national leader in North Gando and expanded his influence. Independence demonstration began in Seoul on Mar. 1, 1919, followed by 3·13 movement in Yongjeong, North Gando. He planed 3·1 movement in Yongjeong with the nationalist leaders of North Gando and led demonstration movement with immigrated Koreans. He took the position of president of the Korean Independence Preparatory Association organized after then and simultaneously led the 3·1 movement in North Gando. On April 1919, he became the president of the Korean National Association that succeeded the Korean Independence Preparatory Association. Korean National Association was the representative independence movement organization in North Gando together with Bukrogunjeongseo(armored unit for independence movement). As president of the Korean National Association, he sent a petition, warning, etc to the Chinese Government for carrying on negotiations with China and exerted an excellent ability in such negotiating activities. He determined that performing independence movement in North Gando required cooperation from the Chinese Government. This is why he stressed that both Chinese people and Koreans should join forces to resist against Japanese imperialism because Japan was the common enemy of them. He also maintained in Proprium that many independence movement organizations in North Gando should unite together to perform more effective independence movement. In such an effort to unite the independence movement organizations in North Gando, General Management Division(called as Chongpanbu) that combined many small organizations in North Gando in Oct. 1920 was organized. He was appointed as head of the Chongpanbu. After Battle of Qingshanli, he moved to Russia to avoid the Japanese attack and returned to Manchuria when Free City Disaster happened in June, 1921. Then he joined Goryeo Communist Party, a communism based independence movement organization. In Dec, 1921, he organized Integrated Division(called as Chonghapbu), an independence movement organization and worked as the head of the Chonghapbu. Although he committed himself to national movement and independence movement in North Gando, he returned to Wangcheng District, North Gando and spent the remainder of his life in engaging in religious activities around churches. In 1944, his life ended in Wangcheng District.

Studies on the origins of Korean nationalism under Japanese colonial period

이병길 Graduate School of University of Pennsylvania 2003 해외박사

An intellectual biography of An Ch'angho, the study explores the life, thought and activities of the founding father of the Republic of Korea who unified the Provisional Government, wrote the first republican constitution and waged the war of independence against Japan. Comparable to Sun Yat-sen of China or Gandhi of India, An Ch'angho was a republican revolutionary like Sun and an ethico-spiritual leader like Gandhi. Yet, as?a "Revolutionary-Democrat", An Ch'angho not only championed constitutional democracy but also led the efforts for the war of independence. The pioneer of Korean democracy, An Ch'angho was also an institution-builder, constitution writer and military strategist. A revisionist effort, the aims of the inquiry are two-fold: first, to shed new light on how the idea and practice of democracy were introduced to Korea through the nationalist movement, and second, to rectify the previous misjudgments of An Ch'angho by revealing the genuine nature of his nationalist ideology and strategy by investigating his private papers for the first time. As the most significant and extensive collection among Korean nationalists, the An Ch'angho Collection of private papers not only provides valuable insights into his role as the chief architect and strategist of nationalist movement but also offers a rare glimpse of the actual modus operandi of the worldwide network of exile and underground activities. Among others, the private papers of So Chaep'il (1866-1951) and An Chunggun (1879-1910) are also consulted. Overcoming a storm of academic controversy, the revisionist findings replace the earlier conceptions of An Ch'angho as a "gradualist-pacifist" or "cultural nationalist", the idee fixe that had not been questioned since the 1960s. Defining An Ch'angho as a "revolutionary-democrat", the study delineates his comprehensive vision and systematic strategy to achieve independence and democracy.

단원제 통일의회의 적실성에 관한 연구

박현우 연세대학교 대학원 2017 국내석사

The North Korean contingency or sudden change, collapse is limited to a special circumstance deviating from 'stepwise integration through consensus'. This is not meant to promote 'absorption-type unification' or 'armed-type unification,' but it can be seen as a new attempt with one possibility in mind, to incorporate 'situational factors of unification' into the discussion of the political system related to unification. Since 'situational factors of unification' set the method and goal of the design of the parliamentary system differently, I think there is more room for substantive identification that 'unitary unification in case of the North Korean contingency' overcomes the limitation of existing 'functionalist integration theory' In case of German unification, it can be seen as ① the absorption type unification by the collapse of the East Germany, ② the consensus-type reunification by the federal tradition ③ the political representation by party congress. This experience of German reunification is still inadequate, but I think it can be an essential lesson for the unification of the Korean peninsula. In particular, the 'North Korean contingency' as a 'situational factor for unification' means that the regime, the system, and the state of North Korea collapsed and the one side of dialogue and negotiation completely disappeared. Therefore, the possibility of a phased integration based on federalism becomes virtually impossible. As a result, the reunification led by the Korean government is promoted as in the case of German unification, and the priorities of the unification policy are restated in the political stabilization. Accordingly, the Unification Parliament needs ① to transform North Korea's totalitarianism into representative democracy, ② to embrace the conflicts and rifts of the people of the entire Korean Peninsula, and ③ to form identity and political stability as a single nation. In order to achieve the goal of the unification council, I examined the discussion of the constitution of the parliament in the past with the Republic of Korea Constitution and examined the debate on the constitutional amendment, the development of democracy and the unification of the federal government. The Unification Congress of the Future decided that the identity of the whole of the Korean peninsula as a whole should be expanded based on 'unitary unification in case of the North Korean contigency' and that there is a certainty in the treatment of the issue of unification through concentration of power rather than division of power. In the practical stage of the unicameral unification council, this paper tried to find the 'election system' which can reflect the political representation which is the merit of bicameral system in the unicameral system. First of all, This paper proposed to reform the existing proportional representation system into proportional representation system based on German MMP+ListPR model of unicameral system. Secondly, it also recommended a new proportional representative system of the inter-Korean region that can secure political stability and homogeneity of the entire Korean Peninsula in terms of three-tiered electoral district system. As a result, the unicameral unification council confirmed that the merits of the bicameralism of political representation can be fully demonstrated through the transformation of the electoral system The electoral system of the National Assembly of Korea after unification would not only elect representatives according to the principle of representative democracy, but also affect the success of political, economic and social integration. In other words, shaping the post-unification Korean National Assembly would narrow the gap between the way of unification and the parliamentary system in terms of assessment of the propriety of unicameralism. 북한붕괴 내지 급변사태를 포함한 ‘한반도 유사시’는 ‘합의를 통한 단계적 통합’에서 벗어난 특수상황으로 제한적 성격을 갖는다. 이는 ‘흡수형 통일’(평화적 붕괴)이나 ‘무력형 통일’(폭력적 붕괴)을 추진하자는 의미가 아니라 만에 하나 발생할 수 있는 하나의 가능성을 열어 두고, 통일과 관련한 정치체제 논의에 ‘통일의 상황적 요인’을 접목시킨 새로운 시도로 평가할 수 있다. 여기서 ‘통일의 상황적 요인’은 의회제도 설계의 방법과 목표를 다르게 설정하기 때문에 이를 포함시킨 ‘한반도 유사시 일원적 통일’의 경우, 기존의 ‘기능주의적 통합론’의 한계점을 극복하고, 통일의 실체적 규명에 있어 적실성이 있다고 생각한다. 같은 맥락에서 독일통일의 경험은 비록 불충분하지만, 한국적 시각에서 목적과 필요에 맞게 적용된다면, 한반도 통일과정의 단초를 제공해 줄 수 있다고 생각한다. 독일통일은 ① 동독붕괴에 따른 ‘흡수형 통일’이면서 ② 오랜 연방제 전통에 따른 ‘합의형 통일’로 ③ ‘정당의회’를 통해 정치적 대표성을 실현했다고 볼 수 있다. 특히, ‘통일의 상황적 요인’인 ‘한반도 유사시’는 북한의 정권·체제·국가 모두가 붕괴함으로써 대화와 협상의 일방 당사자가 완전히 소멸한 상태를 의미하기 때문에 연방제를 전제로 한 단계적 통합은 부적합해지고, 동독붕괴에 따른 흡수형 통일처럼 사실상 대한민국 정부가 주도하는 통일이 전개되면서 ‘정치적 안정성’에 정책적 우선순위가 재조정될 것이다. 결국, ‘한반도 유사시 일원적 통일’을 전제한 통일의회는 ① 북한의 전체주의가 대의제민주주의로 이행되고, ② ‘한반도 전체주민’의 갈등과 균열을 수용해 통합을 달성하며 ③ 단일국가의 정체성 형성을 통한 정치적 안정화로 그 목표를 설정할 수 있다. 이와 같은 통일의회의 목표를 달성하기 위해 ① 과거 대한민국 헌정사에 나타난 제헌국회(단원제), 제2공화국(양원제), 제3공화국(단원제)에서의 의회구성 논의를 살펴보고, ② 현재 국회에서 진행 중인 양원제 개헌논의와 이를 뒷받침하는 민주주의 발전과 연방제 통일 논의를 함께 검토했다. ‘한반도 유사시의 일원적 통일’에 따르는 ③ 단원제 통일의회는 ⓐ ‘한반도 전체주민의 정체성을 확산시킴으로써 남북 간 내재적 갈등과 재분단의 정치적 요소를 제거해주며 ⓑ ’권력분점‘이 아닌 ’권력집중‘으로 통일현안을 신속하게 처리함으로써 경제적 안정과 사회통합을 이루는데 있어 적실성이 있다고 판단한다. 단원제 통일의회의 실천 단계에서는 ‘제도적 상이성’을 갖고 있는 양원제의 장점을 통일 이후 별도의 헌법 개정이 필요 없는 ‘선거제도’의 변용을 통해 정치적 대표성을 실현하는 ‘기능적 유사성’에 방점을 두었다. 이를 위해 기존의 비례대표제를 ① 독일식 연동형 선거제도를 통한 지역대표형 비례대표제로 개편하고, ② 새롭게 ‘남북권역비례대표제’를 추가함으로써 정치적 안정성과 ‘한반도 전체주민’의 동질성을 확대시키는 새로운 대안을 제시했다. 이는 통일 이전에 ‘대표성’과 ‘비례성’이라는 두 가지 목표를 실현하고, 통일 이후에는 양원제의 장점인 ‘정치적 대표성’과 ‘소수자보호’라는 두 가지 장점을 포괄함으로써 민주주의 발전에도 기여할 수 있다고 본다. 물론, 단원제 통일의회는 ‘한반도 전체주민’이라는 정체성의 형성으로 사회적 갈등과 분열을 최소화하고, 권력집중을 통한 통일현안 처리에 있어 적실하지만, 통일한국이 정치적 안정화를 어느 정도 실현한 후에는 ‘합의제적 민주주의’, ‘권력분점’, ‘지방분권’ 등 민주주의 발전 차원에서 새로운 제도적 모색이 필요하다고 생각한다. 통일은 누구도 쉽게 예측할 수 없는 난제이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, ‘더 나은 통일’을 준비하기 위해서는 냉전적 인식에 기초한 이분법적 사고나 통일의 실체를 외면하는 탁상공론을 지양할 필요가 있다. 같은 맥락에서 ‘합의를 통한 단계적 통합’과 ‘한반도 유사시의 일원적 통일’ 역시 상호 배타적이거나 대립하는 개념이 아니라 통일의 역동적 상황을 고려하는 상호 보완적 개념이다. 마찬가지로, 통일한국의 의회제도 설계 역시 단원제와 양원제 각각의 장점을 살피면서도 ‘통일의 상황적 요인’을 고려한 열린 사고와 용기 있는 결단으로 정책적 우선순위를 재조정함으로써 실효성 있는 통일준비에 나설 시점이라고 생각한다.

Competing Narratives of Victory and Victimhood Nationalism: A Comparative Analysis on Turkish and South Korean History Textbooks

데니스 연세대학교 대학원 2013 국내석사