王弼의 玄學과 僧肇의 般若思想 比較硏究

이현석 圓光大學校 2017 국내박사

This paper compared the Wang Bi’s pedantry and the Sengzhao’s Prajna Idea, and considered the influential relationship of each other and its historical significance. While the introduction of Buddhism in China can be said to have been originated by Wu-ti of the Han Dynasty (漢武帝) as a traffic route to the western side of a Chinese border opened, its acceptance in earnest began from the early East Han dynasty. The acceptance of Buddhism in China can be said that it was not a natural spread but a forceful transplantation into the people by the supreme power of the emperor. The reason for this is because all the governing thoughts formed in the prior period of Qin Dynasty, which were the ruling ideologies of school of law, school of Taoism, and school of confucianism, exposed their limits. Accordingly, as the traffic route to the western countries area opened so that trade with the western counties could come into action, the imperial house became very interested in introducing Buddhism, and penetrated that Buddhism has the appropriate ideology among the doctrines of Buddhism for the rule of the empire, resulting in transplantation of Buddhism actively by the power of the emperor. In the process of such transplantation, first above all, the work of translating Buddhism scriptures into Chinese was preceded, and in the process of it, the fusion of Buddhism and the thought of Laotzu was accomplished naturally. The reason for that is because Buddhism and the thought of Laotzu had the most similarities ideologically. As Buddhism was accepted in China like this, Buddhism became to have a profound effect on the ideologies of the main land, especially Lao-tzu and Taoism each other, which formed a deep relationship from the beginning. In particular, in the period of the East Han Dynasty, the fusion work of Buddhism with 黃老道 (a faction of Taoism), which was popular at that time, was preceded, and it can be said to have an intention to avoid the resist of 夷夏論 (theory against Buddhism) that had been formed since the prior period of the Qin Dynasty. However, such a work brought about an effect for Chinese people to equate Buddhism with Taoism in some degree. The Wei dynasty, which destroyed the East Han Dynasty and was newly established, needed a new governing ideology, and the persons called out at this time were the very Haan (何晏) and Wang Bi, and the ideology, which they advocated, was called pedantry. The pedantry emerged politically in order to secure the appropriateness of 稱帝建元 (claiming to be a emperor and making an era reign name) of Chao Wei (曹魏) and to establish the governing ideology, and although it takes Sam Hyun (三玄), namely “Zhōuyì (周易, the book of changes)”, “Lao-tzu (老子)”, and “Chuang-tzu (莊子)” as main texts, in the end, it is dealing with the integration of the ‘nature’ of the Taoism and the moral principles of Confucianism, and it intrinsic logic can be said to have been found out of ‘般若學’ (prajna idea). This paper investigated the emergence of Cheongdam (淸淡) in the situation of that period with regard to the Wang Bi’s pedantry. In addition, the Wang Bi’s idea of pedantry was discussed in three directions which are the methodology of recognition of ‘得意忘言’ (absurd remarks in high pride), the philosophical theory of ‘以無爲本’ (taking nothingness as fundamental) and ‘以無爲用’ (serving with nothingness), and the political theory of ‘崇本息末’ (taking nothingness as a basis) and ‘崇本擧末’ (taking something as the end). In particular, it was discussed that Wang Bi, in his advocating this pedantry, quoted “道行般若經” (dàoháng Prajñā-Paramitā) and “大明度無極經” (great brightness has no limit) that were popular at that time. Although Chao Wei was destroyed in the incident at Gaoping Tombs (高平陵 事變, 249), the pedantry established by Wang Bi had continued to develop afterward, and was formed as the spirit of the times, and it can also be said its effect was profound as well. In particular, after Wang Bi’s death, Ruan Ji (阮籍) and Ji Kang (嵇康), etc. advocated so-called ‘竹林玄學’ (bamboo groves pedantry), resisting against the West Qin, after that, Be wei’s (裵頠) ‘崇有論’ (valuing something theory) emerged, and when it came at the period of Won Gang (元康), Gwakssang’s (郭象) ‘獨化論’ (self-change theory) appeared and theoretically realized the fusion of nature and the moral principles of Confucianism, and became to establish a banner of so-called ‘內聖外王’ (King with a saint spirit inside). As the pedantry formed the spirit trend at that time like this, the Buddhism’s ‘般若學’ (Prajna Idea) also made a remarkable progress, and the school of ‘般若學’ (Prajna Idea) of ‘六家七宗’ (6 sects, 7 orders) was formed and became popular in the world. However, since all of the understanding of ‘般若學’ (Prajna Idea) at that time was made through the pedantry, this is called ‘格義佛敎’ (Reserved Buddhism). Therefore, this paper considered the flow of ‘格義佛敎’ (Reserved Buddhism), and examined the dispute with Taoism depending on the rising to power of Buddhism as well. When it came at the period of the East Qing Dynasty, the figures, who drew a stroke on Chinese Buddhism history, appeared, they were the very jiū mó luó shí (鳩摩羅什) and his disciple, Sengzhao (僧肇). jiū mó luó shí (鳩摩羅什) is evaluated to have opened a new chapter in the book of changes (譯經) getting out of the previous reserved method. In addition, Sengzhao (僧肇) was called ‘解空第一’(first in sea and air) among the 3,000 disciples under jiū mó luó shí’s (鳩摩羅什) instruction, and evaluated as the ‘perfector’ of ‘Chinese Prajna Idea’ in later generations.. This paper examined the 般若思中觀想 (middle way of Prajna Idea) of his teacher, ū mó luó shí’s (鳩摩羅什) in the Sengzhao’s (僧肇) idea. This is because the influence of the jiū mó luó shí’s (鳩摩羅什) Prajna idea on the Chinese Prajna idea was absolute. The jiū mó luó shí’s (鳩摩羅什) Prajna idea was investigated through his writing, 肇論 (provoking theory). Sengzhao (僧肇) criticized the reserved Buddhism, which was popular at that time quite thoroughly, and found out was the very his intention to convert the pedantry to Buddhism. In addition, it was discussed that Sengzhao (僧肇) finally completed the demonstration of 非有非無 (there is no truth of law, and there isn’t no truth of law) in the problem of ‘有’(there is) and ‘無’ (there is not). It can be said that the Sengzhao’s (僧肇) argument of ‘非有非無’ (there is no truth of law, and there isn’t no truth of law) greatly contributed to the overall Chinese thought as well as Buddhism since then. In fact, Sengzhao (僧肇) presented a number of core concepts through the argument of ‘非有非無’ (there is no truth of law, and there isn’t no truth of law) such as ‘觸事而眞’(touched thing is real), ‘物我一體’ (nature and sprit as one), ‘體用不二’ (reality and application are not different), ‘卽體卽用’, ‘本末不二’ (cause and effect are not different), ‘不眞空’ (no vacuum), 入處卽眞 (entering into emptiness), etc., and these are the terminologies that are essentially used not only in Buddhism but also in both of Confucianism and Taoism. The main purpose of this paper is the comparative study on the Wang Bi’s pedantry and the Sengzhao’s Prajna Idea. Although the Wang Bi’s pedantry was influenced by the Prajna Idea, originally, he was a figure who tried to converge the moral principles of Confucianism centered on the nature of Taoism, and Sengzhao was a figure who tried to converge the pedantry from the position of the Buddhim’s Prajna Idea. Accordingly, a clear distinction and common parts in each other’s idea appear. Therefore, this paper examined the comparison of the Wang Bi’s pedantry and the Sengzhao’s Prajna Idea with a method to compare several core concepts of each other. The Wang Bi’s 4 conceptions of ‘以無爲本’, ‘ 崇本息末’, ‘聖人有情’, and ‘體用一如’, and the Sengzhao’s 4 conceptions of ‘不眞空’, ‘有無雙遣’, ‘眞空妙有’, and ‘觸事而眞’ were selected, and mutually compared, and its specific distinction was examined. The meeting of Wang Bi, who was trying to converge the logic of Prajna and Confucianism based on Taoism, and Sengzhao, who was trying to converge the pedantry in the position of Buddhism had a profound influence on the Chinese ideology circle. The influence of Wang Bi was directly driving the 重玄學 (earnest metaphysics) of Seong hyeon-young (成玄英) in the period of Tang Dynasty, and that 重玄學 (earnest metaphysics) again caused a fundamental change with zen idea to the 祖師禪 (not relying on the letters, through mind to mind). However, when Seong hyeon-young (成玄英) established the 重玄學 (earnest metaphysics), it was also absorbing the idea of 三論宗 (East Asian Madhyamaka) throughly, so, in fact, it can be said that the Sengzhao’s Prajna Idea was already inherent. In addition, since 陽明學 appeared in later generations after going through such process, it can be said that the influence of Wang Bi and Sengzhao virtually extends the entire Chinese ideology circle. Therefore, this paper discussed the influence relationship between the 3 directions of 重玄學 (earnest metaphysics), 祖師禪 (not relying on the letters, through mind to mind), and 陽明學. It can be said that, in such a meeting of Wang Bi and Sengzhao, its ideological revelation can be still found in various aspects even in modern times. 본 논문에서는 王弼의 玄學과 僧肇의 般若思想을 비교하여 서로의 영향관계와 그 사상사적 의의를 고찰하였다. 중국에 불교의 전래는 漢武帝에 의하여 서역과의 교통로가 열리면서 시작되었다고 할 수 있지만, 본격적인 수용은 東漢 初로부터 시작되었다. 중국에서 불교의 수용은 자연스러운 전파가 아니라 최고 권력층인 皇權에 의하여 강제로 민중에 移植된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 그 원인은 先秦시기에 형성된 經世思想인 法家, 道家, 儒家에 의한 통치이념이 모두 한계를 노정하였기 때문이다. 그에 따라 황실은 西域과의 교통로가 열려 交易이 행해지게 되면서 전래된 불교에 깊은 관심을 갖게 되었고, 불교의 敎義 가운데 帝國의 통치에 적합한 사상을 지니고 있음을 간파하게 되어 황권에서 적극적으로 불교를 민중에 移植하게된 것이다. 이러한 이식과정에 있어서 무엇보다도 먼저 불교의 경전을 중국어로 번역하는 작업이 선행되었는데, 그 과정에서 자연스럽게 불교와 老莊사상의 융합이 이루어졌다고 하겠다. 그것은 사상적으로 불교와 老莊이 가장 유사성을 지니고 있었던 때문이다. 이렇게 불교가 중국에 받아들여지면서 본토의 사상, 특히 초기로부터 깊은 관계를 형성하였던 老莊 道家와는 서로 깊은 영향을 미치게 되었다. 특히 東漢시기에 있어서는 당시 유행하였던 黃老道와 불교를 융합시키는 작업을 선행하였는데, 그것은 先秦시기로부터 형성된 ‘夷夏論’의 반발을 피하고자 하였던 의도라고 할 수 있다. 그러나 이러한 작업은 중국인들에게 불교와 도가를 어느 정도 동일시하게 하는 작용을 가져왔다. 東漢을 멸하고 새롭게 건국한 魏는 새로운 통치이념을 필요로 하였는데, 이때 동원된 이들이 바로 何晏과 王弼이었고, 이들이 내세운 思想을 바로 ‘玄學’이라고 한다. 현학은 정치적으로 曹魏의 稱帝建元에 대한 당위성을 확보하고, 통치이념을 건설하고자 출현하였으며, 사상적으로는 비록 ‘三玄’, 즉 『周易』, 『老子』, 『莊子』를 주 텍스트로 하지만, 결국은 道家의 ‘自然’과 儒學의 ‘名敎’의 통합을 다루고 있으며, 그 내재적인 논리는 바로 般若學으로부터 찾아내었다고 하겠다. 본 논문에서는 왕필의 현학사상에 대하여 당시 시대상황에 있어서 ‘淸淡’의 출현에 대하여 고찰하였다. 또한 왕필의 현학사상에 있어서는 ‘得意忘言’의 認識方法論과 ‘以無爲本’․‘以無爲用’의 哲學理論, ‘崇本息末’․‘崇本擧末’의 政治理論의 세 방면에 있어서 논술하였다. 특히 왕필이 이러한 현학을 제창함에 있어서 당시에 유행하였던 『道行般若經』과 『大明度經』을 원용하고 있음을 논증하였다. 비록 曹魏는 ‘高平陵 事變’(249)에 의하여 멸망되지만, 왕필이 세운 ‘현학’은 그 이후 지속적인 발전을 이루어 당시 時代思潮로서 형성되었고, 그 영향도 또한 심원하다고 할 수 있다. 특히 왕필의 사후에는 阮籍, 嵇康 등이 西晋에 반발하면서 이른바 ‘竹林玄學’을 제창하였으며, 그 이후에 裵頠의 ‘崇有論’이 출현하였고, 元康시기에 이르러 郭象의 ‘獨化論’이 출현하여 이론적으로 自然과 名敎의 융합을 실현시키고 이른바 ‘內聖外王’의 기치를 세우게 되었다. 이렇게 현학이 당시의 시대사조를 형성하게 되면서 불교의 般若學 또한 비약적인 발전을 이루며 ‘六家七宗’의 般若學派가 형성되어 천하에 유행하였다. 그러나 이 당시의 반야학에 대한 이해는 모두 현학을 통하여 이루어진 것이므로, 이를 ‘格義佛敎’라고 칭한다. 따라서 본고에서는 격의불교의 흐름을 고찰하였으며, 또한 불교의 득세에 따라 발생한 道敎와의 논쟁을 살펴보았다. 東晋시기에 이르러서 중국불교사에 커다란 획을 긋는 인물이 출현하게 되는데, 바로 鳩摩羅什과 그의 제자인 僧肇이다. 구마라집은 譯經에 있어서 그 이전의 ‘格義’적 방법으로부터 벗어나 새로운 장을 열었다는 평가를 받는다. 또한 僧肇는 구마라집 문하 3천여 명의 제자 가운데 ‘解空第一’이라고 칭해지며, 후대에 ‘중국반야학의 완성자’라는 평가를 받는다. 본 논문에서는 승조의 반야사상에 있어서 먼저 그의 스승인 鳩摩羅什의 中觀般若思想에 대하여 살펴보았다. 그것은 구마라집의 반야학이 중국반야학에 미치는 영향이 절대적이었기 때문이다. 승조의 반야사상은 그의 저술인 『肇論』을 통하여 살펴보았다. 승조는 당시 유행하고 있었던 격의불교에 대하여 상당히 철저하게 비판하고 있는데, 그 의도는 바로 현학을 불교로 전환시키고자 하는 의도를 지니고 있음을 밝혔다. 또한 승조는 현학에서 집중적으로 다루고 있는 ‘有․無’의 문제에 있어서 최종적으로 ‘非有非無’의 논증을 완성하고 있음을 논술하였다. 승조의 ‘비유비무의 논증’은 이후 불교뿐만 아니라 전체적인 중국사상에 있어서 지대한 공헌을 하였다고 하겠다. 사실상 승조는 비유비무의 논증을 통하여 ‘觸事而眞’, ‘物我一體’, ‘體用不二’, ‘卽體卽用’, ‘本末不二’, ‘不眞空’, ‘入處卽眞’ 등 수많은 핵심적인 개념들은 제시하고 있는데, 이들은 이후 불교뿐만 아니라 儒學과 道敎에 있어서 모두 핵심적으로 사용하고 있는 용어이다. 본 논문의 주된 연구목적은 바로 왕필의 현학과 승조의 반야학에 대한 비교연구이다. 왕필의 현학이 비록 반야학의 영향을 받았다고 하지만, 본래 道家의 ‘自然’을 중심으로 하여 儒家의 ‘名敎’를 통섭하고자 하였던 인물이고, 승조는 불교의 반야학의 입장에서 현학을 통섭하고자 하였던 인물이다. 그에 따라 왕필과 승조는 사상적으로 서로 공통적인 부분과 명확한 차별을 보인다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 왕필의 현학과 승조의 반야학에 대한 비교를 몇 가지 핵심적인 개념들을 서로 배대하는 방법으로 고찰하였다. 왕필의 ‘以無爲本’, ‘崇本息末ㆍ崇本擧末’, ‘聖人有情’, ‘體用一如’ 등의 네 개념과 승조의 ‘不眞空’, ‘有無雙遣’, ‘眞空妙有’, ‘觸事而眞’ 등의 네 개념을 채택하여 서로 배대하여 그 구체적인 차별을 고찰하였다. 道家의 바탕으로 반야논리와 유가를 통섭하려고 했던 왕필과 불교의 입장에서 현학을 통섭하려고 했던 승조의 만남은 이후 중국사상계에 지대한 영향을 미친다. 왕필의 영향은 직접적으로 唐代 成玄英의 ‘重玄學’을 추동시키고 있으며, 그 중현학은 다시 祖師禪에 근본적인 禪思想적 변화를 일으킨다. 그렇지만 성현영이 중현학을 건립할 때, 역시 三論宗의 사상을 철저하게 흡수하고 있으므로 사실상 승조의 반야학이 이미 내재되어 있다고 볼 수 있다. 또한 이러한 과정을 거쳐서 후대에 陽明學이 등장하고 있으니, 왕필과 승조의 영향은 사실상 전체적인 중국사상계에 걸쳐있다고 하겠다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 중현학과 조사선, 양명학 등의 세 방면에 대하여 그 영향관계를 논술하였다. 이러한 왕필과 승조의 만남은 현대에 있어서도 여전히 다양한 측면에서 그 사상적 啓示를 찾을 수 있다고 하겠다.

불교의학과 한국의 약사신앙 : 삼국을 중심으로

김태중(도신) 중앙승가대학교 대학원 2016 국내석사

약사신앙은 다른 불교신앙들처럼 시대와 지역에 따라서 전승되고 변화되어 왔다. 약사신앙의 성격은 질병 치료를 대표로 한다. 그럼에도 불구하고,국내의 불교학계에서 질병과 관련한 연구는 활발히 진행되고 있지 않다. 때문에 ‘불교의학’이라는 용어 또한 익숙하지 않은 것도 사실이다. 이와 같은 현상은 약사불이나 약사신앙에 대한 연구가 대부분 약사불상이나 도상에 관련하고 있기 때문이라고 본다. 또한, 약사신앙의 신앙적 측면에서의 연구가 진행되었다고 하더라도 연구범위는 약사신앙으로만 국한되어 있다. 약사신앙의 성격을 치병이라고 상정하면서도 종래의 연구들은 의학과 연계성을 지닌 연구를 진행하지 않고 있다. 이와 같은, 학문적 현황을 고려한 본 논문의 연구목적은 불교의학과 관련하여 한국 고대의 약사신앙의 성격을 규명하고자 함이다. 즉, 불교의학적 입장에서 살펴보는 약사신앙에 대한 고찰이다. 본 논문의 연구방법은 문헌적 고찰이 중심이 될 것이다. 불교경전을 제1차 사료로 하고, 『삼국유사』와 『삼국사기』등의 역사서가 제2차 사료가 될 것이다. 본문의 제2부에서는 불교의학에 관하여 고찰할 것이다. 불교의학의 의미와 불교의학서에서 설하고 있는 불교치병설은 불교교리를 중심으로 전개할 것이다. 또한, 불교의술을 담당하는 치료자에 대한 고찰도 병행할 것이다. 이는 승의, 즉 의술을 행하는 출가수행자에 대한 고찰이 될 것이다. 제3부에서는 약사신앙과 불교의학의 관련성을 살펴보고자 한다.일반적인 약사신앙의 유래 및 성격에 대하여 서술하고, 특히 약사12대원과 9횡사를 면밀히 검토하여, 치병이 약사신앙의 성격을 대표하는 것인지 살펴보고자 한다. 제4부에서는 삼국의 불교의학과 약사신앙에 대하여 살펴볼 것이다. 고구려와 백제의 약사신앙에 대한 연구는 대부분 약사불상에 관한 것으로, 이는 사료의 한계 때문이다. 하지만, 백제의 주금사나 채약사 등을 통하여 당시의 불교의학에 관해서는 다소 연구가 진행될 것이다. 신라의 경우는, 선덕여왕의 치병 기사를 근거로 밀교적 약사신앙에 대한 고찰이 중심이 될 것이며, 『신라법사방』을 중심으로 한 약사신앙에 대하여서도 살펴보고자 한다. 또한, 이 연구는 삼국시대 승려들의 약사신앙을 통한 전법의 모습과 불교발전에 끼친 영향을 미쳤음을 알고자 하는 것이기도 하다.

大覺義天과 普照知訥의 會通思想 比較 硏究

오홍석 圓光大學校 2017 국내박사

The representative characteristics of Korean Buddhism is the harmonization thought. The foundation of this thought had been laid by Wonhyo and completed by Daegak Euicheon(大覺義天, 1055~1101) and Bojo Chinul(普照知訥, 1158~1210). Since Scripture sect(敎宗) had been handed down during the period of the Three States and Seon sect(禪宗) had been established in the form of Nine Mountain Sects of Seon(九山禪門) in the late Shilla and early Koryeo, Korean Buddhism has been reached until now as two sects of Seon and Doctrine(禪敎兩宗) or five Scripture sects and two Seon sects(五敎兩宗) after Koryeo dynasty. Therefore it is necessary to harmonize Seon sect with Scripture sect in Korean Buddhism and harmonization thought is the representative thought in Korean Buddhism. Koryeo Buddhism had been developed under the close connection with royal family and the aristocratic class. In the early Koryeo dynasty, King Kwangjong(光宗, 925~975)’s reign had put an end to the age of powerful local family. Organizing centralism system of royal authority, he had reformed bureaucracy and local system based on the political theory of Confucianism. From China he imported Beopan school(法眼宗) which had the characteristics of integration of seon and doctrine(禪敎一致) and of seon and pure land(禪淨一致) in order to weaken the power of Nine Mountain Sects of Seon connected with powerful local family. The power of Scripture sect had combined the divided Hwaeom school(華嚴宗) into Southern sect and Northern sect and readjusted religious order of center around royal family. The period of Daegak Euicheon(1055~1101) was the period of King Munjong(文宗, 1019~1083)・Seonjong(宣宗, 1049~1094)・Heonjong(獻宗, 1084 ~1097) and Sukjong(肅宗, 1054~1105)'s reign. At that time, the royal authority was stable and the culture of Buddhism was shined brightly. Euicheon, a Buddhist monk of Hwaeom school, had gone to Song dynasty and met many high priests of Buddhism. He imported China Hwaeom thought and established it in Koryeo. He also learned Cheontae(天台) thought and established Cheontae order. At that time, Koryeo society was leaded by Gyeongwon Yi clan which had supported Beopsang school(法相宗). So Euicheon’s reformation of Hwaeom school and establishment of Cheontae school(天台宗) played a big role to strengthen the royal authority. Bojo Chinul’s period(1158~1210), from king Euijong(毅宗, 1127~1173) to king Hijong(熙宗, 1181~1237)’s reign, were encountered many uprisings. In 1170, 13-year-old Chinul met with Jeong Jung-bu(鄭仲夫, 1106~1179)’s rebellion, after then he had lived most of his life under the reign of the military subject by I Ei-bang(李義方, ?~1174), Gyeong Dae-seung(慶大升, 1154~1183) and Choi Chung-heon(崔忠獻, 1149~1219). While being weakened the power of Hwaeom school, Beopsang school and Cheontae school connected with royal family and the aristocratic class, Seon sect was stood out afresh after seizing power of military subject. Though Chinul, a Buddhist monk from Sagulsan sect(闍崛山門), could be supported by military officers, he practiced meditation and studied scriptures in southern local area far from Gyeseong. Through those activities he built the rationale of integration of seon and doctrine and renewed Koryeo Buddhism through the movement of Samādhi and Prajñā Community. Around Suseonsa Community(修禪社), his integral thought of seon and doctrine had been settled as the central thought of korean Buddhism. This study compared harmonization thought of Seon and Scripture between Daegak Euicheon and Bojo Chinul. While Euicheon claimed coherence of meditation and doctrine to unify Scripture sect and Seon sect through Hwaeom school and Cheontae school, Chinul achieved theoretical completion of integration between Hwaeom and Seon in the viewpoint of Seon sect. After Daegak Euicheon and Bojo Chinul, the mighty stream of Korean Buddhism had maintained the viewpoint of coherence of doctrine and meditation(敎禪一致) and harmonization of meditation and doctrine(禪敎會通). Therefore it is necessary to research the necessity and method of integration between meditation and doctrine by Euicheon and Chinul, its theoretical basis and influence for the investigation of the characteristics and identity in Korean Buddhism. This paper examined the following problems to inquire the harmonizatiom thought between meditation and doctrine by Euicheon and Chinul. First, in the chapter, ‘the time period of Euicheon and Chinul and the necessity of integration between meditation and doctrine’, I analyzed the political and social trend in each period of Euicheon and Chinul and examined the reason of conflict between meditation and doctrine and the necessity of integration. Second, I handled three problems like Euicheon’s Hwaeom(華嚴) thought, Cheontae(天台) thought and the integration between Hwaeom and Cheontae. Euicheon’s thought had overcome the limit of Koryeo Buddhism and pursued universal Buddhism in East Asia. His Hwaeom thought was developed in the stance of learning both essence and form(性相兼學) and practicing both doctrine and meditation(敎觀兼修). Especially I determined that Euicheon had been strongly affected by Wonhyo(元曉, 617~686)’s integral thought and Zongmi(宗密, 780~841)’s thought of coherence with doctrine and seon. Third, in the chapter, ‘Chinul’s integral thought between meditation and doctrine’ I disclosed the reason of conflict and malfunction between meditation sect and doctrine sect and the connection with coherence of doctrine and meditation and sudden-enlightenment followed by gradual- cultivation in the Chinul’s viewpoint. I revealed that Chinul had accepted Zōngmì’s integral thought between doctrine and meditation through the complete abandonment way(全揀門) and the complete acceptance way(全收門). Subsequently I investigated Chinul’s integral thought between meditation and doctrine that had criticized teaching of sudden enlightenment in meditation sect and his criticism had been based on the theory of the various divisions of teaching in Hwaeom school. Forth, in the chapter, ‘the comparison on harmonization thought with meditation and doctrine between Euicheon and Chinul’, I examined the differences of the integration way between Euicheon and Chinul, with four obvious contrasts. First of all, Euicheon had tried to unify between meditation and doctrine through reformation and integration of religious body such as reformation of Hwaeom school and foundation of Cheontae school, while Chinul tried to unify through the theory of Hwaeom and Seon and his conclusion had shown in Hwaeom-Seon. The next comparison is about Euicheon’s practicing both scripture and meditation and Chinul’s coherence of Seon and doctrial school. While Euicheon, a Buddhist monk from Hwaeom school, advocated practicing both scripture and meditation, Chinul, a Buddhist monk from Seon school, pursued coherence of doctrine and Seon. The next different point is on the accepting Zongmi(宗密)’s textual teaching. Both Euicheon and Chinul had accepted Zongmi’s textual teaching. Euicheon criticized Zongmi’s textual teaching in the former period and then accepted Zongmi’s unity system with Seon and Doctrinal school in order to unify Hwaeom and Cheontae in the latter period. Chinul had accepted Zongmi’s textual teaching system wholeheartedly in order to unify Seon and Hwaeom in the former period, but the importance of the acceptance had weaken under the completion process of his three gate system. Lastly on the point of their difference of training method, Euicheon maintained the practicing both concentration and meditation(止觀兼修) and Chinul insisted direct introspection of the mind and word-contemplation meditation. Lastly, I inspected the modern meaning of this study about harmonization thought. Today there are many interreligious, intergenerational, interregional, and intercultural conflicts in Korean society as well as various inner conflict in Korean Buddhism. Considering this reality of Korean society, we need to pay attention to the thought, the way and the concert action of harmonization by Euicheon and Chinul. 한국불교의 대표적인 특징은 圓融會通思想이다. 이는 元曉(617~686)가 그 초석을 다졌고, 大覺義天(1055~1101)과 普照知訥(1158~1210)에 의하여 완성되었다. 한국의 불교는 삼국시대에 敎宗이 전래되고 나말여초에 禪宗이 九山禪門의 형태로 정착되면서, 고려시대 이후 五敎兩宗 혹은 禪敎兩宗의 형태로 존속되어 지금에 이르고 있다. 따라서 선교회통의 필요성은 한국불교의 중요한 과제였으며, 禪敎會通思想은 한국불교의 주류를 이루어 온 사상이라 할 수 있다. 고려불교는 왕실 및 귀족 등과 밀접한 관련 속에서 전개되었다. 고려 초 光宗(949~975) 대는 지방의 호족세력을 중심으로 하는 割據시대를 종식시키고 국왕을 정점으로 하는 중앙집권체제를 정비하면서, 유교정치이론에 기초한 지방제도와 관료제도의 단행을 개혁하였다. 그리고 불교계에 있어서는 지방의 호족세력과 연계한 九山禪門의 세력을 약화시키기 위하여 禪敎一致와 禪淨一致의 성격이 강한 法眼宗을 중국으로부터 들여왔으며, 교종의 세력은 남과 북으로 분열된 華嚴宗을 하나로 통합하여 왕실 중심의 교단으로 재편하였다. 義天이 살았던 시기는 文宗(1046~1083), 宣宗(1083~1094), 獻宗(1094~1095), 그리고 肅宗(1095~1105)의 재위 기간으로서 왕권이 안정되고 불교문화가 찬란히 빛나던 시기였다. 의천은 화엄종 출신으로 송나라로 건너가 당시 많은 고승들을 만나 중국의 화엄사상을 수입하여 고려에 정착시켰으며, 또한 천태사상을 배워와 天台宗을 개창하였다. 당시 고려사회는 仁州李氏 세력이 주도하였는데 이들이 法相宗을 지원하고 있어서, 의천의 화엄종의 개혁과 천태종의 개창은 왕권을 강화하는데 큰 역할을 하였다. 知訥이 살았던 시기는 毅宗(1146~1170)에서 熙宗(1204~1211)까지 4대에 걸친 기간으로서 고려사회가 수많은 변란으로 이어진 시기이다. 그는 13세 되던 1170년에 鄭仲夫(1106~1179)의 武臣亂을 계기로 李義方(1121~1175), 慶大升(1154~1183), 李義旼(?~1196), 崔忠獻(1149~1219)으로 이어지는 본격적인 무신집권기에 생애의 대부분을 살게 된다. 무신들이 집권하면서 이전의 왕실과 귀족들과 연계되었던 화엄종・법상종・천태종의 세력이 약화되고 새롭게 선종이 부각된다. 지눌은 조계종 闍崛山門 출신의 승려로서 무신들의 지원을 받을 수 있는 위치였지만 이들과 철저히 거리를 두고, 개성과 멀리 떨어진 남쪽지방을 중심으로 禪수행과 경전에 대한 공부를 통하여 禪敎一致의 이론적 근거를 구축하고 定慧結社의 실천운동을 통하여 고려불교를 새롭게 하였다. 그의 禪敎一致思想은 이후 修禪社를 중심으로 하여 계승되어 한국불교의 중심적인 이념으로 자리 잡게 된다. 본 연구는 이러한 시기의 義天과 知訥의 會通思想을 비교한 것이다. 의천은 화엄종과 천태종을 통하여 교종과 선종을 통합하려는 敎禪一致를 주창하였으며, 지눌은 선종의 입장에서 화엄과 선의 이론적 일치점을 찾아 선교회통의 이론적 완성을 이루어 내었다. 의천과 지눌 이후 한국불교의 큰 흐름은 교선일치・선교회통의 입장을 견지하고 있다. 따라서 의천과 지눌의 선교회통의 필요성과 방식, 그리고 이론적 근거와 영향 등을 밝히는 작업은 한국불교의 성격과 정체성을 밝히기 위하여 꼭 필요한 일이라 할 수 있다. 본고에서는 의천과 지눌의 회통사상을 규명하기 위하여 다음의 몇 가지 문제를 고찰하였다. 첫째, ‘의천과 지눌의 시대와 회통사상의 대두’에서는 의천과 지눌의 각 시대의 정치 사회적인 동향을 분석하여 선교갈등의 원인과 회통의 필요성에 대하여 살펴보았다. 둘째, ‘의천의 선교회통사상’에서는 의천의 화엄사상과 천태사상, 그리고 화엄사상과 천태사상의 회통 등 세 가지 문제를 다루었다. 의천의 사상은 고려불교의 한계를 넘어 당시 동아시아의 보편적인 불교사상을 추구하고자 하는데 큰 특징이 있다. 그의 화엄사상은 性相兼學의 입장에서 전개되었으며, 천태사상은 敎觀兼修의 입장에서 전개되고 있다. 특히 교선일치를 위하여 의천은 원효의 회통사상과 종밀의 선교일치사상에 대하여 큰 영향을 받고 있음을 밝혔다. 셋째, ‘지눌의 선교회통사상’에서는 지눌이 바라본 당시 선종과 교종의 갈등원인과 그 병통에 대하여 밝혔으며, 그의 頓悟漸修와 禪敎一致의 관련성에 대하여 밝혔다. 이어 종밀의 회통사상을 수용하고 있는 점, 특히 全揀門과 全收門을 통하여 선과 교를 회통하고 있는 점에 대하여 밝혔으며, 화엄종의 교판론에 입각하여 선종이 돈교를 비판하고 있는 점에 대하여 지눌이 제시한 선교회통의 내용을 밝혔다. 넷째, ‘의천과 지눌의 회통사상 비교’에서는 의천과 지눌의 교선일치・선교일치의 회통방식의 차이점을 네 가지로 대비시켜 규명해 보았다. 우선 의천은 화엄종의 개혁과 천태종의 창종 과정 등 주로 교단의 개혁과 통합을 통하여 선교회통을 이루고자 하였다면, 지눌의 경우 정혜결사와 결사의 과정에서 화엄과 선의 이론을 통한 회통이라 할 수 있으며 그 귀결점이 華嚴禪으로 나타난다고 할 수 있다. 다음으로 의천의 性相兼學과 지눌의 禪敎一致의 비교인데, 의천은 화엄종과 법상종 및 천태종의 회통을 시도하기 위하여 성상겸학을 주창하였다면, 지눌은 선종 출신으로 선교일치를 추구하고 있다. 다음으로 종밀의 교학 수용의 차이이다. 의천과 지눌은 둘 다 종밀의 교학을 수용하였는데, 의천은 전기에 종밀을 비판하다가 후기에 화엄과 천태의 회통을 위하여 종밀의 선교회통의 교학체계를 수용하였으며, 지눌은 전기에 선과 화엄의 회통을 위해 종밀의 교학체계를 적극 수용하였지만 그의 三門體系가 완성되는 과정에서 그 비중이 약화되었다. 끝으로 이들의 수행법의 차이로서 의천이 止觀兼修를 주장하였다면, 지눌은 返照와 看話를 주장하였다. 끝으로 이러한 회통사상의 연구가 주는 현대적 의의에 대해서 살펴보았다. 현재 한국불교는 불교계 내부의 다양한 갈등이 존재할 뿐만 아니라, 한국사회 역시 종교 간, 세대 간, 지역 간, 이념 간, 다문화 간에 많은 갈등이 존재하고 있다. 이러한 한국사회의 현실을 감안할 때, 의천과 지눌이 제시한 회통의 이념과 방식, 그리고 구체적인 실천 등에 주목할 필요가 있다.

니체의 哲學에 나타난 佛敎的 思惟에 관한 연구

이광수 圓光大學校 2018 국내박사

The purpose of this study is to identify the buddhistic factor in the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche(1844~1900). From the study, I have drawn some conclusions on the similarities between the philosophy of Nietzsche and Buddhism. The first similarity is the spiritual experience both Nietzsche and Buddha have gone through. Nietzsche's philosophy is built on the link with previous thoughts and religions. Buddha left his home, practiced the severest asceticism, and finally reached the spiritual enlightenment;taking benevolent action after realizing the logic of dependent origination is very much similar to what Nietzsche did. Secondly, the climax of the philosophy of Nietzsche who have declared the death of God, is the setting of the concept of Übermench;this basic composition has something to do with Buddhistic logic. Criticism of the Cartesian doubt and Kantian rational theory lies in the background of Nietzsche's proclamation : "God is dead." Nietzschean Übermensch, which is a state of mind beyond language and judgement a person is in, is similar to Buddhistic Buddha in regard to the acquisition of thoughtless state of mind. Third, Nietzche postulated metaphysics, christianity, and every existing philosophical ideology as the object that must be demolished; he provides us with the concept of 'hammer'. This is closely related to the Zen buddhistic thought which says that if you meet Buddha, kill the Buddha and if you meet Zen master, then kill the Zen master. Ubermensch, which symbolizes the childlike state that is far from the fixed idea of good & bad or morality, and which is reached by getting over those ideas, is similar to the Zen buddhistic thought which insists that one must remove the impeditive, existing ideas decisively and attain a stage of perfect maturity, Buddha. The fourth similarity is Nietzsche's theory of eternal recurrence, which tells us that a person must be the main agent of oneself; this basic composition is related to the teaching of buddha who tells you to go back to your own mind. Nietzche didn't accept the buddhist concept of samsara. But telling us to live an intense life is similar with the buddhistic idea; a deed, once done, is irrevocable - as the saying goes, “It's no use crying over spilt milk” Finally, intermediaries in Nietzsche's aphorism is linked with buddhism. Nietzsche presents a cow as a intermediary of metaphor; Nietzsche uses aphorism while using the metaphor. Nietzsche suggested a person to free itself from the shackles of metaphysics and reach the state of Übermensch. Buddhist Bodhisattva's Nichean name was Übermensch. And Nietzsche divided the process to reach the state of Übermensch into three stages, which is camel, lion and child. As mentioned earlier, Nietzsche's thoughts were linked closely to the buddhistic structure, but actually Nietzsche's point of view on buddhism was neither deep nor detailed and even different from the reality. First of all, Nietzsche grasped buddhism as hygiene. But buddhism can't be limited to hygiene. Of course it is possible for Nietzsche's position - which approves various perspectives of each creature and lifestyle of the separate entity - to be linked with buddhism. But there seem to be some difference between Perspectivism and buddhistic thought of dependent origination. In buddhistic view, the characteristic of Ubermensch may be a Buddha who has attained the highest state of enlightenment. But there seem to be a considerable difference in the way or process to reach each of them. Despite their similarity, there is also difference between eternal recurrence and samsara because the view of eternal recurrence did not accept the concept of retributive justice. 연구는 니체(1844~1900)의 철학 속에 나타난 불교적 요소를 탐구하려는 시도이다. 이를 통하여 니체의 철학과 불교적 사유 사이의 상통점을 찾아, 연구자는 몇 가지 결론을 얻게 되었다. 첫째, 니체철학의 형성사를 보면 붓다의 구도과정과 통하는 면이 있다. 니체의 철학은 이전의 사상 · 종교와 연계된 바탕 위에 구성된 것이었다. 붓다 또한 고의 문제를 해결하기 위해 출가한 후 고행을 거쳐서 마침내 정각에 이르게 되는데, 연기의 진리를 깨치고 세상을 위한 자비의 행각을 펼친 것은 니체의 과정과 상통하는 점이 있다. 둘째, 신은 죽었다고 선언한 니체철학의 정점은 위버멘쉬의 설정에 있는데 그러한 기본적 구도 역시 불교적 사유와 상통한다고 생각되었다. 니체가 “신은 죽었다.”고 선언한 배경에는 데카르트적 회의론과 칸트의 이성이론에 대한 비판이 깔려있다. 니체의 언어와 분별의 세계를 뛰어넘어야 도달한다는 위버멘쉬는 무분별의 내면을 증득해야만 부처가 된다는 불교와 닮아있다. 셋째, 니체는 기존의 형이상학과 기독교 그리고 모든 철학적 사유를 포괄적으로 부숴야 할 대상으로 설정하고 망치를 제시한다. 이 또한 부처를 만나면 부처를 베고 조사를 만나면 조사를 베라는 선종적 사유와 상통한다. 형이상학과 고정된 선악 · 도덕을 부정하며 그러한 것을 극복하고 마침내 도달하는 어린이 즉 위버멘쉬는 수행에 방해가 되는 기존 관념들을 과감하게 헤치고 부처에 이를 것을 권하는 선불교적 사유와 닮아있다. 넷째, 니체의 영원회귀론은 인간 자신이 주체가 되어야 한다고 말한다. 이러한 기본 구도는 내면으로 돌아가라는 불교와 상통한다. 니체에게 불교와 같은 윤회의 관념은 수용되지 않았다. 그러나 지금의 한 번의 행동은 돌이킬 수 없는 순간이 되므로 치열하게 삶을 살아내라고 하는 태도는 공통적이다. 다섯째, 니체의 아포리즘에 나오는 매개들은 불교와 상통한다. 니체는 소를 자신의 철학 속에 비유의 매개로 등장시키는데 이런 소의 비유에도 니체는 아포리즘을 동원한다. 니체는 형이상학의 굴레에서 벗어나서 위버멘쉬에 이를 것을 권하였다. 불교 보살수행자의 니체식 이름은 위버멘쉬였다. 그리고 위버멘쉬에 이르는 단계를 낙타와 사자와 어린이의 단계로 설정하였다. 이처럼 니체의 사유가 불교적 체계와 통하는 점은 있지만 실제로 니체가 불교를 바라보는 시각은 그다지 복잡하거나 깊지는 않았던 것으로 판단되며 실제와 차이가 있는 부분도 있다. 우선 불교를 위생법으로 파악하였다는 점에 있다. 그러나 불교는 니체가 생각하는 것과 같은 위생법으로 한정될 대상이 아니다. 관점주의의 경우도 개체적 삶의 방식과 생명체의 다양한 입장을 인정하는 니체의 입장은 불교와 연결될 가능성은 있다. 그러나 불교의 연기론적 사유와 관점주의는 그 입각점에서 다소의 차이가 있어 보인다. 위버멘쉬의 성격도 불교적으로는 성불한 부처라고 할 수 있다. 그러나 그에 도달하는 과정이나 방식은 상당한 차이가 있어 보인다. 또한 영원회귀도 윤회와 비슷하나 인과응보를 수용한 것은 아닌 점에서도 차이가 있다고 판단된다.

미군정기 불교정책 연구

김범준 동국대학교 대학원 2007 국내석사

The policy on the Buddhism(佛敎政策) in periods of the U.S. Military government (美軍政) could be said that it was a clear example of the failure of a policy. Firstly, The policy on the Buddhism(佛敎政策) in periods of the U.S. Military government (美軍政) wasn't obeyed a fundamental rule of guaranteeing the freedom of the religion and also a fundamental rule of separation between policy and religion. After the liberation, the policy on the Buddhism, which was progressed by the U.S. Military government, had been shown partial and preferential intervention with out accordance with it's aim of guaranteeing the freedom of the religion. They maintained the system of the low, which oppressed and discriminated to Buddhism and Confucianism, which was established by the Japanese government. Based on the political intention and logics on the system of the cold war by the High- ranked official, they used public management broadcast for the broadcast of the Protestantism, and also discriminated distribute had been done, and designation of the Christmas as a holy-day. For the price of these partial and preferential intervention, the High- ranked official of the U.S. Military government and Protestant constructed intimating cooperation system. Secondly, the U.S. Military government didn't even looking at policy on religion as a religious but they looking it as a problem of ideological. Thirdly, in case of supreme commanders assuming leadership of the policy on religion could be involving associations, which is occurred from supreme commander’spersonally political and religious propensity. In this case, it could be said that it was policy of the pro-Christianity which is brought by the supreme commander Douglas Mac Arthur's personal propensity. Finally, the Christianity occupied almost responsible position and they had participated in decision on the policy about the religion. Such partiality brings upun-cooperation of the Buddhist clique in long term. Therefore, we need to make improvements by having minute observation on the problems of the policy on the Buddhism in periods of the U.S. Military government. Analysis these stuff again, firstly, the process in the policy formulation, as we could see, in chance of the founding and decision about policy of the religion, participation of the Buddhist clique had to be done. And also shown in the area of the separation of the politic and religion or clearing off of the Japanese ruling period, practical and feasible objects were had to be established. Then the plentyof time and rationality of the procedures were needed in area of making the policy of the religion. Secondly, the process in the policy implementation, frames for vitality of policy settlements had to be prepared and the section of religion, of which sense of discrimination and conception in long term is needed, were not being in hastily propulsion. And needed concreted and practical implementation planning that includes the methods of the mobilization of the resources and the methods of the making connection between an objective and a device. Finally, process in the policy evaluation, an objectivity of the valuation of the policy on the Buddhism in periods of the U.S. Military government had to be ensure, but the policy on the Buddhism in periods of the U.S. Military government were notin forms of justice or objective, and also we could pointing out that there was an un-clearness of the responsibility in the policy valuation lies.

北魏佛敎와 石窟造營 硏究

문무왕 東國大學校 2006 국내박사

Northern Wei北魏 , which have ruled northern China for 148 years in Southern and Northern Dynasty period, is known for its outstanding characteristics through the Chinese history. It was set up from a little civilized nomadic tribe just like other countries of Sixteen Kingdoms by Five Clans of Barbarians五胡十六國. However it reunited the divided northern countries and became the strongest in North which could be against Southern Dynasty南朝. Since TuobaGui道武帝 built up the Dynasty and became the First Emperor himself in 386, Northern Wei have kept its expansion. Finally the Third Emperor of Taiwudi太武帝 united most region of the northern China. This Dynasty established a new governing system through merging the Xianbei's鮮卑 old ruling system and Chinese people's 漢族one. Besides Northern Wei unified not only Han's culture but also Buddhist culture which was a new current at that time. It could make this country keep its peculiarity. Northern Wei's Buddhism's distinction on the process of accepting the religion and its social conditions with researching Buddhist grottoes built up at that time. It tried to settle down its royal authority by culture absorbing policy and accepting Buddhism. The Buddhism of Northern Wei was powerful "National Buddhism國家佛敎", which means this religion was tightly related national ruling system under Imperial auspices. It was different from the Huiyuan's慧遠 idea representing Southern Dynasty's Buddhism. He elaborated his position on church-state relations influential "The Śramaṇa沙門 Does Not Pay Homage to the Ruler", and the fact is that his idea was well accepted in Southern China. On the contrary Buddhism as national religion in Northern Wei was quite different from Southern Dynasty's one. Northern Wei had organization, distribute estates to monks, excavation of made caves in Yungang雲岡 and Longmen龍門 and built national monasteries. As the growth of Buddhism had deep relations with making those grottoes, it is necessary to study on the process of building them to understand how the religion expanded. The Xianbei chose Buddhism as an intermediation to get along with the Han people. This decision was carved on the caves. Even though there was a suppression on Buddhism, it gave this religion a motive to try to find its way to survive. It set up a strong relationship with Northern Wei's sovereign. The religion granted the Emperor the legitimacy and as a reward it could grow under the lavish imperial patronage. It is why the persecutions by Choi Ho崔浩 and Gu kyum ji寇謙之 is hard to be regarded as a simple religion suppression. It was not a crackdown on Buddhism but the clash between the two different ideologies : Chinese traditional one and Buddhism. The intellectuals, who secluded themselves in northern region having the Han race centered thought, attempted to reorganize the barbarian's ruling system. They made Choi Ho and Gu Kyum-ji stand for this political reform but failed at last. Consequently these attempts made Northern Wei cooperate with Buddhism to set up its firm ideological base. Afterward Buddhism devoted its all efforts on building Yungang caves and tried to make a solid relationship with the Emperors. It is easily surmised from the article that the colossi of Buddhist images inside the caves in Pingcheng represent the first five Northern Wei Emperors. Yungang caves were built in the same purpose. The Northern Wei, on the other hand, took the accepting Han culture policy to incorporate Han race. One of the results, this policy brought was relocating capital in Luoyang from Pingcheng. Moreover, the changed patterns in Yungang caves were related to this policy. It clearly proves how well Buddhism adopted to the fast changes of the social aspect at that time. As the Dynasty tried to settle down the new Chinese order by the capital transfer, Buddhism could make up the most China-like Buddhist carvings by accepting traditional Chinese carving form. From these facts, Northern Wei's governors used the religion to build up their ruling system. Moreover they tried to spread out and settle this religion all over the country. This mutual help bought Norther Wei's epoch-making development not only on Buddhism but also on culture. It is important studying on the changing patterns of the grottoes and the Buddhism's spread into the Northern Wei's society to understand its cultural history. How Northern Wei's Buddhism established in Pingcheng era is searched in Chapter Ⅱ. Chapter Ⅲ is taking a look on the persecution by Taoists and amends to be the state religion. It explains how this religion adhered to this nation. Chapter Ⅳ is about how this religion adapted itself to the capital transfer and sinicization. In ChapterⅤ the buddhist characteristics in late Northern Wei reflected on the Five Caves of TanYao曇曜 and Longmen caves are studied to consider how Buddhism absorbed in the society and mutually changed. Yungang grottoes vividly show these changes. From Yungang caves, it became a model that there must be grottoes near the capital even after the capital was transferred to Luoyang. Yungang grottoes reflect the sinicizing aspects on images of Buddha. On the contrary, the statues in Longmen grottoes clearly show the completely sinicized culture. The development of the religion keeping the step with national enlargement can be majorly read in Yungang caves. However, although Longmen caves were built predominantly with imperial patronage, they also reveal the desire for personal salvation. In addition, the most popular object of the religious devotion was shifted from Sakyamuni釋迦, the historical Buddha to Maitreya彌勒, Buddha of the future. The differences among those grottoes speak for the changes of the religion. Thus it is necessary to research the process of building the caves and each grotto's religious meaning to know thoroughly the traits of Northern Wei's Buddhism. Buddhism in that era drew a new stream. Even though the dynasty was built by an ethnic, its desire to assimilated to Chinese in the event let Buddhism spread through all over China. Studying Buddhism of Northern Wei period is essential to understand how it firmly established in China.

佛敎社會福祉의 實踐思想에 關한 硏究

이윤안 동국대학교 2009 국내석사

社會福祉學은 대단히 廣範한 學問이다. 왜냐하면 政治, 經濟, 法律, 社會, 文化와 歷史, 宗敎 등을 包括하는 學問이라고 생각하기 때문이다. 그래서, 어느 학문보다 어렵고 難解해서 많이 硏究하고 實踐해야 한다. 특히 現代社會에서 社會福祉는 대단히 重要하다. 왜냐하면, 한국이 急速한 經濟成長으로 인하여 삶의 質의 慾求 增大와 社會的 分配問題 側面에서 사회복지 問題가 政治的, 經濟的, 社會的, 文化的인 面에서 全般的으로 이슈화 되어 가고 있기 때문이다. 이러한 觀點에서 부처님의 가르침에서의 現代 佛敎社會福祉思想을 理論的으로 보다 體系的으로 定立되어야 한다고 본다. 그랬을 때 佛敎社會福祉가 政策的 支援, 傳達體系 등 多方面에서 佛敎社會福祉의 正體性을 確立할 수 있다고 보기 때문이다. 그래서 먼저 本章에서 佛敎社會福祉를 定義해 보고 다음은 불교사회복지의 共通的인 核心, 實踐思想들을 論述했다. 즉 慈悲思想, 布施思想, 菩薩思想, 福田思想, 報恩思想, 生命尊重思想을 整理하였다. 다음은 佛敎의 經, 律, 論 三藏을 통해서 보다 具體的으로 佛敎社會福祉 思想의 根據를 살펴 보았다. 經藏에서 열다섯 種類의 經과 律藏에서 한 種類의 經과 論藏에서 두 種類의 論書를 中心으로 論考해 보았다. 그리고 經. 律. 論 三藏에서의 佛敎社會福祉 思想을 比較한 후 마지막으로 綜合 整理하였다. 以上을 통해서 兒童福祉, 靑少年福祉, 障碍人福祉, 老人福祉, 女性福祉, 醫療福祉 및 호스피스 등의 佛敎福祉思想의 根據를 佛敎의 經. 律. 論 三藏에서 무수히 論考할 수 있음을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 佛敎의 福祉思想은 時代와 地域, 國家와 民族을 超越하여 언제 어디서나 適用할 수 있는 偉大한 思想임에 틀림이 없다고 생각한다. Social welfare covers a wide range of endeavors from politics to economics, law, society, culture, history and religion. This is why the study of social welfare requires substantial research and practice. In modern society, social welfare is very important. In the case of Korea, fast economic growth has brought high expectations as to the quality of life while the fair distribution of income has become an important issue in political, economical, social and cultural areas. In this context, there has also arisen a substantial demand for Buddhist social welfare. In addressing this situation, it is clear that a conceptual model of Buddhist social welfare needs to be elaborated. For this purpose, my thesis attempts to define such a conceptualization. This thesis deals with the concepts of compassion, Bodhisattva, field of merit and respect for life while using passages from the Sutras, Vinaya and Abhidharma to create a theoretical basis to better understand how to use these concepts. These passages will be used in order to show how a Buddhist concept of social welfare can be applied to conditions, whether as to medical, psychological or educational spheres, experienced by children, teenagers, men and women, the handicapped and senior citizens. Through this work, I intend that this thesis will provide a possible theoretical basis for a Buddhist social welfare system that can begin to meet the various demands of modern society.

天台 智의의 圓頓止觀 硏究

오지연 東國大學校 大學院 1999 국내박사

현재 한국불교는 중국 종파불교의 하나인 禪宗의 임제 법맥만을 정통으로 여기고 있다. 이러한 경향은 경전을 도외시하거나 그 이외의 수행법은 인정하지 않으려는 결과를 가져온다. 여기에 대하여, 논자는 중국불교를 연구하면서 한 종파의 당파성 보다는 종파 이전의 불교의 본래 취지를 되물어야 할 필요성을 느끼게 되었다. 天台 역시 중국불교의 한 종파이기는 하다. 그러나 종파들 가운데 가장 먼저 형성된 천태종은 교학과 실천 어느 하나에도 치우침없는 宗旨로 볼 때, 가히 근본불교의 전통을 잘 계승하고 있다고 할 만하다. 하지만, 천태에 대한 종래의 연구는 대체로 교학적 측면에 편중되어 왔다. 본 논문에서는 天台의 대표적인 실천법인 圓頓止觀에 대하여 살펴보았다. 즉, 圓頓止觀의 형성과정과 그 사상 및 실천행법을 살펴봄으로써, 천태의 실천법 가운데 敎와 觀이 치우침 없이 통일되어있음을 보이고자 하였다. 천태의 止觀思想은 인도불교에서 전개된 止觀思想과 그 맥을 같이 한다. 초기 불교에서 유가행파까지의 인도불교사상사에서 止와 觀은 선정과 지혜를 아우르는 수행의 불가분한 두 축으로 인식되어 왔다. 특히 『해심밀경』에서는 止觀수행의 전제조건으로서 '부처님의 敎說에 의지할 것'과 無上菩提를 이루리라는 '보살의 서원'을 강조한다. 이러한 止觀 실천의 대승적 모습은 천태 지관의 주요한 특징으로 자리잡게 된다. 천태 지관사상의 형성에는 남북조시대의 成實·地論·攝論학파의 지관사상 영향도 적지 않았다. 특히 지론학파의 입장을 대표하는 慧遠(523-592)의 『大乘儀章』에서는, 유식학의 토대 위에 『열반경』의 止觀捨의 三行과 空假中의 三諦와 三觀없을 접목시켰다. 이것은 인도의 지관사상을 중국적으로 체화해 가는 모습을 보여주는 것일 뿐아니라, 지의(538-597)의 지관사상 형성의 실마리가 되었다고 할 수 있다. 또 지의의 스승인 南岳 慧思(515-577)의 大乘頓覺思想과 法華三昧行은 천태 원돈지관의 바탕이다. 혜사의 생애와 저술에 일관된 특징은 頓覺의 수행관과 法華思想의 실천적 해석이다. 온갖 근기의 뭇 삶을 모두 단박 깨닫는 길로 이끄려는 혜사의 뜻은 그대로 지의 원돈지관의 핵심이며 바탕이 되었다. 지의는 30대에 주로 '禪波羅密'을 중심으로 불교의 수행법을 총괄하다가 40대부터는 '止觀'으로 모든 실천법을 거두기 시작한다. 그러나 그의 저술을 살펴보면 초기의 『次第禪門』에서부터 만년의 『摩詞止觀』에 이르기까지 圓頓의 사상과 행법이 일관되게 설해지고 있음을 알 수 있다. 그것이 마침내 『마하지관』에 이르러서 구체화된 것일 뿐이다. '天台止觀'이라 하면 頓·漸·不定의 三種止觀을 말한다. 세 가지 지관은 근기에 따라 행하는 모습이 각기 다름을 나타낸 것이지만, 원만한 이치[圓理]를 깨닫는 순간에는 모두 단박 이해하게 된다. 그러한 점에서 삼종지관은 모두 원만한 이치를 단박 깨치는 '圓頓止觀'으로 會通된다고할 수 있다. 본 논문에서 圓頓止觀을 중심으로 천태의 지관법을 살펴보는 까닭도 바로 여기에 있다. 『마하지관』에서는 正修行과 마찬가지로 前方便인 25방편도 중요한 의미가 있다. 25방편은 『차제선문』이나 『천태소지관』 등에서 수행의 전방편으로서 일찍부터 설해져왔다. 그러나 『마하지관』에서는 25방편 각각에 대한 현상적 설명[事釋] 외에 마음을 觀하는 측면에서 거듭 해석하였다[觀心釋]. 이것은 25방편에서 實相을 본다면 그것이 바로 圓頓의 觀心行이며, 그러한 점에서 25방편은 正修行과 동등한 자격임을 보인 것이다. 열 가지 대상을 열 가지 방법으로 觀한다는 十境十乘觀法은 『마하지관』에 이르러 완전한 체계를 갖춘 圓頓止觀의 行法이다. 이 觀法은 그대로 法華圓頓思想의 실천적 표현양식이다. 이것은 『차제선문』에서부터 설했던 方便의 내용과 여러 경론에 설해진 실천행법을 지의의 풍부한 수행경험으로 걸러서 체계화한 것이다. 특히 十乘觀法은 『법화현의』를 비롯한 다른 저술들에서도 이미 설해졌으며, 불교 내부의 잘못된 수행방식을 가름하는 잣대일 뿐아니라 老莊流의 행법과는 다름을 판단하는 근거로 제시된 것이다. 十乘十境觀法 전체는 방대한 분량이지만, 각 境마다 根機에 따라 반드시 행해야 할 정도를 밝혀놓았으므로 모든 사람이 100가지 방법을 다 행해야 하는 것은 아니다. 여기서는, 첫 번째 境인 觀陰入界境에 대하여 上根機가 행할 것으로 설해진 세 가지 觀法 즉 觀不思議境·起慈悲心·巧安止觀을 집중적으로 살펴보았다. 관부사의 경은 한 생각에 삼천세계가 갖춰짐[一念三千]을 비추어보는 것으로써, 존재에 대한 바른 인식이다. 기자비심은 바른 인식이 이루어짐과 동시에 모든 존재에 대한 자비의 誓願을 세우는 것이다. 교안지관이란 앞의 誓願을 이루기위하여 止觀을 실제로 온갖 상황에 맞는 방법으로 행하는 것이다. 그러므로 이 세 가지 觀法은 인식·서원·실천으로서 서로 불가분의 관계에 있음을 알 수 있다. 이상과 같이 『마하지관』에 설해진 원돈지관의 행법은 결코 간단하지 않다. 지의는 각기 다른 사람의 근기나 상황을 고려하지 않고 무조건 한 가지 수행법이나 주관적인 수행법을 제시하는 이들을 근본적으로 비판한다. 『마하지관』에는 다양한 사람 혹은 한 사람의 다양한 상황 그 모든 조건을 배려한 온갖 수행법이 망라되어있다. 따라서 방대한 양의 교설이 담긴 『마하지관』은 끝없는 자비심에서 설해진 모든 수행자들의 자습서이며 大禪師와 法師의 指導書이다. 이러한 천태 지의의 止觀法은 이후 중국불교 각 종파의 수행법에 영향을 주었다. 현수 법장(643-712)이나 원효(617-686)가 『기신론』의 止觀을 해석하면서 천태의 지관법에 전적으로 의지한 것은 주지의 사실이다. 또 화엄종의 澄觀(738-839)과 宗密(780-841)도 모두 方等이나 法華懺法을 행하기에 힘쓰고 天台止觀을 배웠다. 이처럼 華嚴家라 할지라도 수행의 측면에서는 사실상 천태에 의지하였다. 敎禪一致를 주장한 종밀은 『원각경』을 해석하면서 좌선수행을 『천태소지관』에 전적으로 의지하였다. 선종의 각종 『坐禪儀』 또한 같은 상황이다. 하지만 좌선같은 형식적 수행 뿐만아니라 看話禪과 같은 비형식의 禪法들 또한 원돈지관법의 한 범주인 隨自意三昧의 큰 뜻에서 벗어나지 않는다. 이처럼 천태의 지관수행은 한 종파의 수행법을 넘어서 모든 불교수행을 대표하며 온갖 행법을 아우르고 있다. 이러한 점에서 敎學와 禪定, 文字와 觀行이 中道的으로 통일되어 있는 天台의 圓頓止觀은 불교 수행의 옳고 그름을 가름하는 기준으로서 모자람이 없다고 할 것이다. Ⅰ Current Korean Buddhism considers the dharma lineage of I-hsu¨an(臨濟)-- a Chinese sect -- as an orthodoxy. This tendency leads them to ignore the sutras and any other alternatives in practicing method. As to this current tendency, during my study on Chinese Buddhism, I felt the necessity of re-finding the original purport of Buddhism rather than the partyism of one sect. I have to admit that T'ien-t'ai is also a sect of Chinese Buddhism. But the first established T'ien-t'ai has a main thesis(宗旨) balanced between the theory and practice, and deserves praising that it has succeeded the tradition of Fundamental Buddhism very well. In spite of this, only the theoretical aspects of T'ien-t'ai were highlighted until now. I examined 'the complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣(圓頓止觀)' which represents the practical aspects of T'ien-t'ai. By examining the formation process, idea and practicing method of 'the complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣', I intended to show that T'ien-t'ai is consistently balanced between teaching(敎) and meditation(觀). Ⅱ T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ Philosophy is in the same line as that developed in Indian Buddhism. Through the history of Indian Buddhist Philosophy, from the early Buddhism to Yoga￣ca￣ra(瑜伽行派), s´amatha and vipas´yana￣ was recognized as two inseparable pivots which unite meditation and knowledge. Especially Sandhi-nirmocana-su￣tra(解深密經) emphasizes the dependency on Buddhas teaching and bodhisattvas vow for supreme enlightenment as a premise of s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ practice. This Mahayana aspect of s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ practice came to be an important feature of T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣. In the formation of T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ philosophy, other s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ philosophy of 成實, 地論, and 攝論 Schools had quite an effect. Especially, in the 大乘義章 of Hui-yin(慧遠, 523-592) who represents the 地論 School, he connected the three practices of calming(s´amatha), insight(vipas´yana￣) and indifference(upeksa￣) and the three dogmas(三諦) and the three insights(三觀) on the ground of Vijn~ana-ma￣tra Philosophy(唯識學). This shows the nationalization process of thought of s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ from India into China, and it became the initiative of formation of Chih-i(지의, 538-597)'s s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ Philosophy. In addition, 'the thought of immediate enlightment of Mahayana(大乘頓覺思想)' and 'the practing Sama￣dhi of the Lotus(法華三昧行)' of Hui-ssu(慧思, 515-577), the teacher of Chih-i, were direct source of T'ien-t'ai's complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ Philosophy. The consistent feature in Hui-ssu's life and literatures is the practice view of immediate enlightment(圓覺) and the practical interpretation of the Lotus philosophy. This purport of Hui-ssu, leading all kinds of people to the Enlightenment directly, became the core background of Chih-i's complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ as it is. Ⅲ In his thirties, Chih-i developed his view on practice method primarily centered on 'So^n-pa￣ramita'(禪波羅密); from his forties, he united all kinds of practice methods on 's´amatha-vipas´yana￣'. Examination on his literatures from the early 次第禪門 to late Mo-ho chih-kuan(摩詞止觀), shows at the theory and practice method of 'completion and immediacy(圓頓)'is explained consistently throughout. The fact was that the concept was made concrete in the book Mo-ho chih-kuan finally. T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ is explained by three kinds of s´amatha-vipas´yana￣, that is immediately, gradually and uncertainly. Although these three s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ represents the different aspects of practicing according to the various fundamental ability respectively, they all understand immediately as soon as they get enlightened the Round Principle(圓理). In this respect, all these three kinds of s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ are unified into complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣, Enlightenment at once. It is the reason why this thesis look into the T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ around complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣. In the Mo-ho chih-kuan, 25 expedients[二十五方便] as well as insighting method itself[五修行] have important meaning. 25 expedients are preached from the early books such as 次第禪門, 天台小止觀 as means ahead of practice. But in the Mo-ho chih-kuan, in addition to the phenomenal explanation[事釋], he interpreted again at the side of contemplation on mind [觀心釋]. This showed at if we see the ultimately true future[實相] through 25 expedients then that is the complete and immediate contemplation on mind and at this point 25 expedients are equal to insighting method itself[正修行]. 十境十乘觀法, which means contemplation on ten objects by ten methods respectively, is a practice method which was completed in the Mo-ho chih-kuan. This contemplation method is a practical representative mode of 'the thought of the completion and immediacy of the Lotus(法華圓頓思想)'. This is a system filtered the contents of expedients in 次第禪門 and various practical methods with abundant practical experience of Chih-i. Especially 十乘觀法 was already preached in other literatures including 法華玄義. 十乘觀法 was a criterion which distinguished the wrong practice method in the Buddhism, and was presented as a basis which asserts the difference from Taoist practice method. The whole 十境十乘觀法 is enormous but because there are classified musts necessary for each person of a certain fundamental ability, he don't have to practice 100 kinds of the methods in all. Here I examined primarily the three contemplation method of 觀不思議境, 起慈悲心, and 巧安止觀, which are classified for the being of best ability in the first stage, 觀陰入界境. 觀不思議境 is seeing 'Three Thousand Worlds at one thought[一念三千]', and is a right recognition on the existence. 起慈悲心 is to establish the vow of compassions on all the existence at the same time when the right recognition forms. 巧安止觀 is a practice of the s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ in the proper method for that condition to fulfil the previous vow. Therefore these three contemplation methods are recognition, vows, practice respectively and are inseparably related to one another. As above, the practice method of complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ preached in Mo-ho chih-kuan is never simple. Chih-i fundamentally criticize who presents only one method without considering individual fundamental ability or status. In Mo-ho chih-kuan, there are all the variety of practice methods for various people or various conditions of an individual. The Mo-ho chih-kuan with an enormous enplanation from boundless compassion, can be told to be a self-study guide for all the ascetics and a guideline for dharma master. Ⅳ The Chih-i's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ had a considerable effect on the practice methods of many schools. It is well known that both Fa-tsang(法藏, 643-712) and Wonhyo(元曉, 617-686) depended entirely on T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ in interpreting s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ in Maha￣ya￣na-s´raddhotpa￣da-s´a￣stra(大乘起信論). Furthermore, both Cheng-kuan(□觀, 738-839) and Tsung-mi(宗密, 780-84l) of the Hua-yen sect(華嚴宗) tried to practice the confessional methods(懺法) of the Vaipulya(方等) or the Lotus(法華) and learned T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣. In fact, those in the Hua-yen Family depended on T'ien-t'ai in the aspect of practice. Tsung-mi, who asserted 'the unification of So^n and teaching(敎禪一致)', depends entirely on 天台小止觀 when interpreting the sitting in meditation(坐禪) of The perfect enlightment-su￣tra(圓覺經). Many kinds of 坐禪儀 from the So^n sect(禪宗) are in the same situation. As well as the formal practice like sitting in meditation, the il formal methods of So^n like watching over words(看話) do not escape the Voluntary Sama￣dhi(隨自意三昧), a category of complete and immediate s´amatha -vipas´yana￣. As described, practicing of T'ien-t'ai's s´amatha-vipas´yana￣ is beyond a sectional category and represents all Buddhist practice unifying all kinds of practice methods. In these respects, the T'ien-t'ai's complete and immediate s´amatha-vipas´yana￣, impartially unifying teaching and meditation, is enough as the criterion for judgement of right and wrong in Buddhist practice methods.

道安의 「衆經目錄」 복원에 대한 연구 : - 『出三藏記集』에 근거하여 -

원수영 동국대학교 2021 국내석사

불교의 중국전래 후 수많은 경전의 한역이 오래시간 진행되어 대장경이라는 유래없는 불교성전이 완성되었다. 이 방대한 불교성전에 의지해 대승불교, 중국불교가 전개되었다. 하지만 인도불교의 전개과정과 별개로 전래된 불교경전은 그 선후관계나 역경승 등이 분명치 않아 초기 중국불교 시대에 많은 혼란이 있었다. 이러한 경전의 홍수 속에 先學의 卓見으로 지도와 같은 안내서 즉 경록을 편찬한 이들이 있었다. 현존하는 最古의 경록은 양나라 승우의 出三藏記集인데, 이는 그때까지의 경록을 이어서 찬술한 것으로 특히 도안의 綜理衆經目錄을 포함하면서 승우 자신의 찬술을 더하고 있다. 동진의 도안은 격의적 해석을 벗어나 불교 그 자체로 받아들이려 노력한 인물로 많은 경전의 주석을 짓는 한편 당시까지의 한역경전을 정리하여 경록으로 엮었으며, 구마라집을 초빙하도록 부견에게 간한 인물이기도 하다. 본 연구는 지금은 존재하지 않는 도안록, 즉 綜理衆經目錄의 원형에 관한 연구이다. 출삼장기집은 도안록을 거의 대부분 전승하고 있어서 주 텍스트가 된다. 그 외에 역대삼보기, 중경목록 등의 경록과 남겨진 도안의 저서, 고승전, 역사서 등을 참조할 것이다. 출삼장기집의 名錄, 經序, 列傳에 의거하여 도안록의 원형을 복원해 보고자 한다. 이로서 갖추어진 경록의 최초의 모습을 되찾고 아울러 초기 중국불교시대의 모습 등을 살펴보고자 한다. 중국 동진시대 이전의 불교에 관해 전하는 중국 문헌은 거의 없으므로 초기 중국불교에 관한 연구 또한 쉽지 않다. ‘도안목록의 복원’이라는 본 논문의 시도는 초기 중국불교의 모습을 가늠해 보는 기회가 될 것으로 생각한다. In this thesis, I intend to restore Dao’an’s scripture list which is preserved in 『出三藏記集 Chu sanzang jìjí』. First, through the inflow of Buddhist scriptures into China and the history of translation into Chinese, it was confirmed that the scripture list was the product of the efforts to preserve Buddhist scriptures in times of chaos in war and development of Chinese catalogue. Subsequently, I reviewed the composition and contents of the main text 『出三藏記集 Chu sanzang jìjí』 and then I deduced and classified the composition of Dao’an’s list in accordance with lists of names, prefaces, biographies, etc. With this restoration of Dao’an’s list, the biography of Si Dao’an, the name of Dao’an’s list, and the age of compilation were included in one chapter, and finally, the significance of the restoration of Dao’an’s list was examined in three aspects: the translation of Former Qin era, the retranslation and the appearance of editorial scriptures, the rendering of the Vinaya Pitaka and the Buddhist Order. Records of the state-run translation place were found after the arrival of Kumārajīva, but it has already been confirmed that there was a some place that would be the prototype of the design of the Former Qin era. Through the preface of the scriptures, which were translated at the time, it was not clear whether they’re stationed, but it was sure that when requested they shared the roles of translation. In addition, the characteristic of the Chinese translation of this period was that it preferred simple sentences that prioritized the delivery of content, and an editorial scripture was introduced to meet this purpose. These scriptures were thought to be the same as the original even if they were not fully aligned with the Buddha’s scriptures. Finally, the period when Dao’an’s list was established was when none of the six complete version of Vinaya Pitaka were translated. Although we can’t figure out the operation and maintenance of the Buddhist Sangha but there were some parts that were translated or edited of vinaya texts. The preface showed that the Ten Songs Vinaya were introduced after Dao’an's compilation and Dao’an established the Sangha Code and the Charter. Thus, it can be interpreted that Dao’an attempted to localize of the vinaya to the platform he was leading.

佛敎共同體마을의 社會福祉的性格 硏究 : 佛敎共同體마을의 사례분석을 중심으로

崔貞和 동국대학교 2006 국내석사

Buddism is a religion that saves human beings. It helps pull people out of agony to lead them to be happy as a human being. Besides, it makes a stable society and nation and helps human beings to be delivered from worldly existence by showing them mercy through agony, company, vanity and self-enunciation. The need for social welfare service of the Buddhist community has been realized in the early 1980s. In the 1990s, an increase in the number of facilities for preventive social welfare was the starting point of social welfare service. Afterwards, the number of such facilities has risen considerably and the facilities have been operated well, on a par with social welfare services of the communities of other religions in the early 21st century. It seems that the Buddhist community has started its own community service to boost its ability to propagate Buddhism by expanding its role in society and to burnish its image as a closed and nonsocial religion. To save mankind(the ultimate goal of Buddhism), the Buddhist community had to realizethe social realities and reach out to the public. To this end, the Buddhist community has underlined the religion familiar to the public and its relationship with society in order to make known the innate characteristic of Buddhism, mercy and practice. The Buddhist community should face the social and historical realities rather than indulge in inner problems and lead society in the 21st century to secure its identity.To achieve that goal, the Buddhist community has tried to find new ways in the Buddhist community to overcome weakness of a welfare state. It has also taken a look at the form and the source of early order through the life of the Buddhist community in the early stage and looked for future model of Buddhist community as an alternative to a welfare state. The common goal of Buddhism and social welfare is to solve problems of humans. But the former aims for deliver mankind from the shackles of agony, and, on the other hand, the latter pursues happiness by seeking solution to realistic problems. The concept of Buddhist and social welfare from the angle of Buddhist studies is ‘the concentration of social service of the Buddhist community starting from the teachings and ideas of Buddha and the efforts of the Buddhist community to access to human desire and social problems. On the other hand, the concept of Buddhist social welfare from the angle of social welfare studies is the social service by the Buddhist community rather than the social efforts to boost welfare through the government’s intervention. The Buddhist social welfare belonging to the category of social welfare means a social service mainly by Buddhism and its spirit. Also, a community is equivalent to a society or a moral society. The interaction of the nature, including human beings, is described as coexistence or interdependence, and can be defined as a community in a broad sense. A community means more than local community. In other words, it is defined as a comprehensive term including all forms of social relationships such as intimacy, emotional depth, moral behavior, social concentration and continuity. "Bosalsim,"an indispensable concept in the Buddhist community is not a simple compassion for the poor, but a love and sympathy for all living things, feeling joy in others’ happiness and protecting others by practicing six paramitas. This is called the Four Immeasurables Buddha-states of Mind and the Buddhist community is based on "Bosalsim", which is a way leading to true meaning of welfare. Currently there are four Buddhist communities. 1. FWBO(The Friends of the Western Buddhist Order) This is a classic community model combined with a new Buddhist center, residence and workplace for westerners. It is aimed at "helping individuals grow and establishing a new society from the past." 2. Plum Village This community is a small village for those who practice asceticism. It includes Buddhist monks, Buddhist nuns, men and women. They protect and help one another in the community. It was established by Thich Nhat Hanh in 1982 and is located in Bordeaux southwest of France. The community grows a lot of plums, thus called as Plum Village, and has also been used as a center for meditation. 3. Indramang Village The community believes that the world started from a life called indramang. Therefore, to change the distorted way of life caused by urban concentration, the community educates farmers and those who returned to the soil on ecological and cyclical farming so that they can set guidelines for life from the perspective of ecological and cyclical farming. It also makes efforts to support the peasantry who returned to the farm to revive rural communities. If we all cooperate to establish a new community for practice that fits the modern times and let it interact with society to make it an organic and coexistent community, we will surely find our bright future in this community.