북한 선군담론에 관한 연구 : 재생담론화 과정과 실천양상을 중심으로 = (A) study on Songun(army-first or army-based) discourse in North Korea

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

Three essential elements of communism are objective ideals, action plans and the regime for implementing the objectives. Accordingly, objective ideals of socialist states of past and present have been economic prosperity and complete equality. Differences among socialist nations were caused by their action plans and the characteristics of their regimes that acted as the tools for implementing the objectives. Furthermore, the fact that there is no guideline for clearly distinguishing socialism and communism expanded the arbitrariness in establishing the transitional phase and acted as the limitations that left no choice for socialist states but to opt for autocratic protective democracy. In addition, since objective ideals often involved utopian elements that did not incorporate realistic conditions, they created room for political leaders to arbitrarily interpret action plans and manipulate the regime structure at their discretion.
In North Korea, the Juche process was a discourse that emerged from the combination of communist objective ideals, action plans and the regime for implementing the objectives. The objective ideals that were constructed in the process of establishing the regime and the approach of explaining the ideals had already created an episteme by being fused with the historical structure. The ethical code that the individual self has to sacrifice for the Self of state and citizens must abide by rules was intermingled with the action plans to implement the objective ideals of the North Korean regime and established the theoretical structure for the Juche ideology. Kim Jong-il regime was launched amidst constant pressures to transform the existing discourse structure, including the fall of the Eastern Bloc, death of their leader and food shortage. The term 'Songun' emerged three years after the death of Kim Il-sung.
North Korea established the concept of 'Songun Huro(army-first, labor-second)' in 1997, followed by 'Songun Politics' in 1998 and 'Songun' in 1999. The 'revitalization movement' was initiated through communication among internal and external environments based on the 'Songun' code. North Korea began declared 'Songun' for reinforcing the blood ties among the party, the military and the people and emphasizing that revolution and construction are to be completed by the military and the people being one in body and spirit as well as the unification of mind and behavior. As of 2008, it seems that the Songun discourse has passed the theoretical systemization process and the public movement stage based on the revitalization of the Juche discourse. The Songun discourse can be summarized into three major areas with the advent of the Songun ideology. First is the 'Songun Principle', which corresponds to a type of social organicism and advocates oneness of the state, military, party and people from the epistemology perspective. The Songun revolutionary line is the macro thesis provided on top of the epistemology foundation. Namely, revolution of the military takes place, and the revolutionized military is established as the driving force of the socialist revolution, allowing the military to perform roles such as national defense, construction and human reformation. Moreover, the exemplary of the revolutionary army is propagated throughout the society to transform the entire society into an ideological and political military citadel. Songun politics was emphasizes as the methodology for actualizing such a master plan. Songun politics is divided into Songun leadership principles and Songun leadership system. The former refers to the specific tasks of socializing the exemplary of the revolutionary army, while the latter refers to the unified leadership system formed around the Chairman of the National Defense Commission.
It seems that the North Korean regime has opted for the military, a social group that regards 'order' and 'rules' as its lifeline, as a powerful capacity of revolution that can overcome current crises. Although the military is generally defined as a non-productive consumptive entity in a national system, North Korea is promoting a new role for its military, which involves acting as the pillar of the nation's capacity, responsible for economic development, national defense as well as socialist revolution. This is akin to the 'desire' that drove the medieval alchemists to convert common metals into gold using the philosopher's stone. From the macroscopic perspective, North Korea is trying to resolve internal and external adverse conditions with the integrated system that consists of politics, defense and production led by the military. Microscopically, on the other hand, North Korea is positioning the 'revolutionary army' as the furnace that transforms people into socialist citizens and attempting to convert the private sector and its chaotic disorder into a realm of cosmic 'order'.
Although the Songun discourse is expected to deploy the force of military order and regulations to bring about social stability and economic development in short term, it will become a double-edge sword in long term. It can be pointed out that since the Sungun discourse contains strong past-oriented characteristics and reactionary modernization, it relies on the reminiscence about the past and tradition. Moreover, the fact that such past experience always involved the process of amplifying hatred by selecting the 'others(enemies)' implies that the problem that the driving force inside the regime is subject to potential distortion. Also, while the unity of military and civilians emphasizes civilians absorbing the rules and organizations of the military, there can also be a 'reverse osmosis' that introduces civilian disorder into the military. Historically, military rules often collapsed due to the relaxation of internal order. Systematic assimilation between the military and civilians creates not only civilians with military rules, but also soldiers with lack of rules. Such problems are currently being exposed in the microscopic implementation process of the Songun discourse, and the 'non-socialist group' is becoming more active than ever. At the same time, even the 'inspection group' is making a transition into another leisured class amidst the swirl of the microscopic implementation.
The North Korean regime is currently displaying a distorted version of the past class ideology. The initial movement of emphasizing labor and encouraging agricultural production has disappeared. Labor has been belittled and agricultural farms have turned into another prison of revolution, creating a large number of lumpen-proletariats. On the other hand, there has emerged a leisured class that has accumulated certain levels of wealth by distorting the leadership discourse. The leaders of North Korea have failed to escape from the past-oriented mentality. They are still averse to change and solidifying themselves as traditional intellects who yearn for maintaining the status quo.
With the advent of Songun, North Korea is advocating 'a powerful and prosperous nation' as a new objective ideal. They are steering the driving force behind the regime towards the objective of a powerful and prosperious socialist nation in terms of ideology, military and economy. The new ideal has replaced the old 'perfect socialist triumph theory', which was removed from the Constitution in 1998. Songun, which has emerged as a revitalization movement, and its objective of the powerful and prosperous nation, are too detached from reality. There have been no public events related to Songun since 2008, which indicates that the revitalized Songun discourse is already losing its fundamental thrust. Also, the gap is widening between the objectives proposed in Songun discourse and those who must accept the objective. Microscopic fractures in the governing discourse are becoming apparent in not only the general public but also individuals with leadership roles, further blurring the future of Songun.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 제1장 서론 = 1
• 제1절 연구의 목적 = 1
• 제2절 연구의 범위와 방법 = 5
• 1. 연구 범위 및 구성 = 5
• 2. 연구 방법 = 8
• 제3절 기존연구의 검토 = 11
• 제2장 연구의 이론적 배경 = 17
• 제1절 역사적 구성물로서의 담론 = 17
• 1. 표준이야기(Standard stories)와 에피스테메(episteme) = 17
• 2. 국가기억의 재구성 = 19
• 제2절 담론의 재생 = 21
• 1. 메즈웨이(Mazeway): 재생운동 = 21
• 2. 담론의 수용과 왜곡 = 25
• 제3절 북한 통치담론의 특성 = 28
• 1. 북한 통치담론분석의 모형 = 28
• 2. '수령'언설의 규준성 = 31
• 제3장 '선군'의 역사적 경험과 '주체'의 등장 = 35
• 제1절 '규율적 속성'의 근대주의 = 36
• 1. 발전한 자본주의세계와의 접촉 = 36
• 2. 인민과 군인: 자연군중에서 조직군중으로 = 40
• 3. 담론사회의 토대: 문맹퇴치운동의 전개 = 43
• 제2절 항일빨찌산의 회상과 영웅담론 = 47
• 1. 항일빨찌산에 대한 회상의 영웅서사들 = 47
• 2. 영웅서사의 의미와 구성: 영웅화 단계별 분석 = 49
• (1) 분리와 전이: 가난, 굶주림 = 52
• (2) 통합과 귀환: 강력한 적, 승리 그리고 귀환 = 57
• 3. 항일빨찌산 회상기 출현의 시대적 굴곡 = 62
• 4. 회상기의 상징과 영웅의 입사식 = 68
• (1) 배고픔과 적대적 포위의 재현 = 68
• (2) 두 자루의 '권총' = 70
• 제3절 '주체'의 등장과 정립 = 76
• 1. '주체'의 등장: 4대노선과 10대 정강 = 76
• 2. '주체사상'(Juche idea)의 정립과 메즈웨이의 압박 = 82
• 제4장 북한 선군담론의 형성과정과 구조 = 86
• 제1절 '선군'담론의 등장과 변천과정 = 87
• 1. '선군'의 기시감(dejavu) = 87
• 2. 1997년 '선군'의 등장 = 90
• 3. 선군과 군사제일 = 93
• 4. 군사기반과 군사중심 = 96
• 제2절 『주체』에서 『선군』으로 = 101
• 1. 주체와 선군의 관계정립기(1997-2002) = 101
• 2. 높은 단계에서의 실천 '선군' = 105
• 제3절 북한 선군담론의 구조 = 114
• 1. 선군의 원리-노선-정치 = 114
• 2. 혁명군대의 모범창조 = 117
• 3. 사회주의, 공산주의의 학교 = 120
• 4. '선군'적 대중행사와 방식상학 = 123
• 제5장 선군시대 '선군'의 실천과 한계 = 128
• 제1절 선군시대의 목표와 정책적 실천 = 128
• 1. 사회주의 강성대국의 조건 = 128
• 2. 군사행위적 실천 = 132
• 3. 경제개선정책 = 135
• 4. 대자연개조사업의 재개 = 137
• 5. 해외선군사상의 선전보급 = 142
• 제2절 '선군'의 사회 및 제도적 실천 = 145
• 1. 국가기구의 개편 = 145
• 2. 선군시대의 개조사업 = 148
• 3. 선군시대의 대중운동 = 154
• 4. 비사회주의그루빠 활동의 강화 = 161
• 제3절 룸펜과 유한계급, 유기적 엘리트 = 167
• 1. 중산계급의 문제 = 167
• 2. 지도부의 역할: 유기적엘리트와 전통적엘리트 = 174
• 제6장 결론 = 180
• 참 고 문 헌 = 185
• ABSTRACT = 210