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        Roundtable Discussion of Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater,and Tuong Vu’s Southeast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis

        Thomas B. Pepinsky,Erik Martinez Kuhonta,Dan Slater,Tuong Vu,Barbara Geddes,Duncan McCargo,Richard Robison 동아시아연구원 2010 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.10 No.2

        Comparative politics has witnessed periodic debates between proponents of contextually sensitive area studies research and others who view such work as unscientific,noncumulative, or of limited relevance for advancing broader social science knowledge. In Southeast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis, edited by Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater, and Tuong Vu, a group of bright, young Southeast Asianists argue that contextually sensitive research in Southeast Asia using qualitative research methods has made fundamental and lasting contributions to comparative politics. They challenge other Southeast Asianists to assert proudly the contributions that their work has made and urge the rest of the comparative politics discipline to take these contributions seriously. This symposium includes four short critical reviews of Southeast Asia in Political Science by political scientists representing diverse scholarly traditions. The reviews address both the methodological and the theoretical orientations of the book and are followed by a response from the editors.

      • KCI등재

        Decentralization and Economic Performance in Indonesia

        Thomas B. Pepinsky,MARIA M.WIHARDJA 동아시아연구원 2011 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.11 No.3

        Indonesia’s 1999 decentralization law gave local governments in Indonesia an unprecedented opportunity to adopt prodevelopment policies. In this article, we study whether decentralization has in fact generated improved economic performance in Indonesia. Using a synthetic case control methodology, we argue that Indonesian decentralization has had no discernable effect on the country’s national-level economic performance. To explain why not, we use subnational data to probe two political economy mechanisms-interjurisdictional competition and democratic accountability—that underlie all theories linking decentralization to better economic outcomes. Our findings suggest that extreme heterogeneity in endowments, factor immobility, and the endogenous deterioration of local governance institutions can each undermine the supposed development-enhancing promises of decentralized government in emerging economies such as Indonesia.

      • KCI등재

        Interpreting Ethnicity and Urbanization in Malaysia’s 2013 General Election

        Thomas B. Pepinsky 동아시아연구원 2015 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.15 No.2

        In this article I reinterpret Ng, Rangel, Vaithilingam, and Pillay’s analysis in this issue of pro-BN voting in Peninsular Malaysia in Malaysia’s 2013 general election. I show that the authors’ statistical methods are inappropriate for testing whether district ethnicity predicts district-level BN vote share, and that their modeling choices result in tests of hypotheses that do not exist and cannot be derived from standard theoretical approaches to ethnic voting in Malaysia. I then provide a range of statistical evidence that supports three main conclusions: (1) ethnicity and district area (a proxy for urbanization) both predict BN vote shares at the district level, (2) neither the effect of ethnicity nor of district area can be reduced to the other, and (3) there is no interactive effect between ethnicity and urbanization. These results are in direct contradiction with the authors’ results, and apply equally in Peninsular Malaysia and the entire country. I also discuss the broader issues that emerge when testing competing theories of BN vote share.

      • KCI등재

        The 2008 Malaysian Elections: An End to Ethnic Politics?

        Thomas B. Pepinsky 동아시아연구원 2009 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.9 No.1

        Malaysia's twelfth general elections, held on March 8, 2008, dealt a stunning blow to the incumbent Barisan Nasional regime. For the first time since 1969, the coalition did not receive its customary two-thirds majority in the lower house of parliament. Moreover, the opposition was able to form governments in five out of eleven peninsular Malaysian states. This article uses electoral, economic, and demographic data to test a number of potential explanations for these outcomes. Evidence indicates that the regime's decreased majority is the consequence of non-Malay voters' rejecting the incumbent regime in favor of secular opposition parties.

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