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The limits of nation-building in the Philippines
Stuart J. Kaufman 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2013 International Area Studies Review Vol.16 No.1
Efforts at building a homogeneous national identity in the Philippines over the centuries have resulted in an unusual pattern of successes and failures. Spanish missionaries successfully spread the Catholic religion in the northern and central portions of the Philippines in the sixteenth century, but failed among the Muslims in the south, introducing an enduring religious cleavage within the country. Enormous linguistic diversity remains despite efforts by three successive regimes to promote first Spanish, then English, then Tagalog as a vehicle for linguistic unity. Finally,despite aggressive elite promotion of a unifying historical narrative of resistance to imperialism (referring especially to the 1896–1902 revolutionary period), regional and ethnic identity have remained very strong relative to national identity, even while national pride has increased. One set of reasons for this relative weakness of Philippine nationalism includes the initial geographical and linguistic fragmentation of the country. Also important were patterns of state-building that enabled the governing elites to build support on the bases of personal, clan and patron–client ties instead of broader identities.
Public opinion and the end of apartheid
Julio F Carrión,Stuart J. Kaufman 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2018 International Area Studies Review Vol.21 No.2
Why did whites in South Africa come to support the dismantling of the apartheid system that gave them a monopoly of political power? We use a reformulated version of symbolic politics to address this puzzle, showing that white attitudes toward political change were primarily driven by symbolic predispositions regarding race, ideology, party, and specific leaders, as well as various sorts of threat perceptions. Strong attachments to the National Party and de Klerk, low perceptions of threat, more tolerant racial attitudes, and more socially and politically liberal values increased the likelihood of whites supporting policies consistent with the ending of apartheid. We also find that assessments of the economy, both personal and national, have no influence on this attitude. We use South Africa’s Human Sciences Research Council data collected during the crucial 1991–1992 period.