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RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : Reinhard Drifte (검색결과 3 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
- 유료
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High Technology in the Japanese-American Defense Relationship and Northeast Asia
( Reinhard Drifte ) 한국국방연구원 1989 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.1 No.2
The article traces the recent developments of Japanese-American high technology relations, particularly in the field of security, and its repercussions on Northeast Asia. High technology has become within the last decade a new dimension in international relations, increasingly linking economic and defense power. Without a recognized fast-developing technological base, no major power can sustain in the long run its status in the fields of economics, defense or international relations. On the other hand, advances in high technology allow late comers in the international system like Japan in the 1960s and Korea today to challenge the status of the established powers. The article notes five problems in Japanese-American high technology relations: different perceptions of interdependence and of links between national security and technology, competition supplementing interdependence, different opinions on the use of technology as a political tool in East-West relations, and the absence of a military-industrial complex in Japan. The article gives an overview of the dependence of the US on Japanese high technology and the US desire to keep this dependence down. It analyzes the insufficient precision in defining “security interests” in the US and the temptation to confound “security interests” with “commercial interests.” The article concludes that in the end the issue boils down to the faith the US has in Japan as an ally and supplier of high technology products. The COCOM scandal proved to the Americans that Japan is willing to give away technology to the East at any price, although Japan has dramatically enhanced its control of technology since then. The FSX case has demonstrated the great reluctance of the US to work together with the Japanese. America`s allies are directly affected by the way the US limits the outflow of technology, uses technology for political purposes and tries to gain access to technology through its privileged situation as Japan`s most important partner. Korea is vitally interested in gaining access to leading technology in order to further develop its economy and to offset the North Korean numerical strength in military power. Any attempt by the US to limit the flow from the US to Korea or pressuring Japan to withhold certain technologies from reaching Korea would therefore be detrimental.
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The Internationalization of the Korean Security Issue: A Way Forward:
( Hyock Sup Lee ),( Reinhard Drifte ) 한국국방연구원 1995 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.7 No.2
The tension on the Korean peninsula is originally the product of territorial division and the bipolar Cold War system which were superimposed on domestic rivalries. Foreign intervention after 1945 prevented a purely Korean solution of these rivalries, and even the end of the Cold War system has not lead to their termination, let alone to unification of both Korean states. In the past, motives of outside powers for intervening on the peninsula were conditioned by the Cold War framework and foreign involvement. As a result, the Cold War era fostered a considerable level of distrust between the two Korean states and led to the buildup of huge military establishments on the Korean peninsula. The post-Cold War era has, however, shifted the paradigm of international relations from power politics to interdependence and created a more benevolent set of motives and interests related to the involvement of outside powers on the Korean peninsula. In view of this deep distrust and military confrontation between the two Korean states, it is our contention that a breakthrough must now at least be paralleled if not preceded by foreign involvement. The countries around Korea want stability at the very least. Even where interdependence is considered in capable of entirely substituting for power politics, fostering interdependence is seen as a useful means to moderate power politics and to reduce its economic and political costs. This shift to interdependence is not only having an impact on the regional powers, but also on the outlook and behavior of both Korean states. In order to assess the opportunities and chances of the inter- nationalization of the Korean security issue, this article focuses on weighing the incentives and the ability of the four major powers (the US, Japan, China and Russia) to help achieve a reduction of tension, and of the two Korean states to accept and support such foreign involvement. We conclude that the very complex interrelationship between the changing foreign policy of the US, its dependence on the support by Japan and China and the volatility of the inter-Korean relationship give the US a leading role in reducing tension on the peninsula.
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