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      • Environmental Foreign Policy as a Soft Power Instrument: Cases of China and India

        Karakir, Irem Askar World Association for Triple Helix and Future Stra 2018 Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia Vol.17 No.1

        Joseph S. Nye defined soft power as the power of attraction to affect the behavior of other states through the use of non-coercive instruments including culture, political values and foreign policy. Over the last two decades, environmental issues have grown in importance on the international agenda and become critical components of states' foreign policy-making. This paper aims to analyze environmental foreign policy as a soft power instrument focusing on two major rising powers: China and India. Traditionally, China and India had been reluctant to make any commitments in the field. However, they have shown greater willingness to act in global environmental governance in the past decade. They started playing more active roles in global climate change negotiations and supported a number of initiatives. Their current rise in global environmental governance has even been praised by the international community as the Paris agreement case demonstrated. This study evaluates China's and India's recent efforts in global environmental governance with a focus on climate change negotiations linking their constructive position to their soft power potential. It is argued that environmental issues are used by these two states as foreign policy strategy to gain more influence in international politics. This study finds out that China's climate-related environmental diplomacy has been more ambitious than that of India and thus has been closer to fulfill its potential as a soft power asset.

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        The Dog that Didn`t Bark? EU Crisis Management and the Syrian Crisis

        ( Irem Askar Karakir ),( Nilufer Karacasulu ) 한국국방연구원 2016 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.28 No.4

        Based on the commonly held assumptions about the inability of the European Union (EU) to cope with new challenges, this paper raises the question of whether the EU will assume greater responsibility for peace, especially in its neighborhood, in the short-term. It contributes to answering this question through focusing on EU mechanisms, instruments and policies of crisis management (civilian-military) since the 1990s, which is embodied in the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). In March 2015, the European External Action Service (EEAS) presented a report on CSDP indicating problems in crisis management. Yet, the EU strives for efficient activities. It considered reviewing its neighborhood policy as well as Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) to enable more effective actions to deal with crises. Today, it has a huge “toolbox” to address crises. The EU attaches great importance to a coherent and comprehensive strategy in crisis situations. Observing that a comprehensive strategy of the EU was launched in early 2015 to deal with the crisis in Syria, this paper questions to what extent the EU`s new arguments for crisis management are realized in its regional strategy for Syria. While the Syrian crisis is still unfolding, its impacts on the EU in the form of rising terror attacks in Europe by Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), and an unprecedented influx of migrants are remarkable.

      • KCI등재

        EU Sanctions Regime: The Case of Iran

        ( Nilufer Karacasul ),( Irem Askar Karakir ) 한국국방연구원 2014 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.26 No.3

        Although there is enormous discussion on normative power Europe, there is relativelyless focus on the EU sanctions regime, though sanctions have become a useful foreign policy tool as the EU has applied sanctions within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Looking at the literature, Kreutz focused on the EU sanctions regime in the time period of 1981-2004, during which sanctions were used to accomplish normative goals. Yet, later on Brummer argued that although norms and values still play a role in the EU’s sanctions regime, more often they were surpassed by security and economic interests. This article examines the previous work on the EU sanctions regime and tries to comprehend why the use of sanctions has increased over time as well as whether they have been “selectively” used. In addition, the article analyzes whether the normative commitment is crucial in the construction of the EU sanctions regime. The EU sanctions regime toward Iran is analyzed in particular, because as indicated by Santini and Tabrizi, Iran is the first country against which the EU has developed a new strategy out of weapons of mass destruction concerns, starting in 2006. Since 2010, EU foreign ministers have adopted tougher sanctions in an effort to block its controversial nuclear program. Recently, the Iran nuclear deal of November 2013 was interpreted as attributable to sanctions against Iran, in which EU sanctions have constituted a remarkable role, have proven effective.

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        Climate-Related Migration: Formulating a Contemporary Framework

        Nilü,fer Karacasulu,İ,rem Aş,kar Karakir 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2021 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.28 No.1

        This article elaborates on the theoretical foundations as well as the empirical outputs of climaterelated migration and formulates a contemporary framework in analyzing this subject. There has been a paradigm shift from securitizing climate-related migration towards an emphasis on adaptation, resilience and justice. While it is still possible to talk about security-oriented discourses based on the realist approach, climate change has increasingly been recognized as a ‘threat multiplier’ rather than a sole primary threat. In the meantime, the liberal approach has embraced adaptation, resilience and climate justice discourses about climate refugees. On the empirical front, climate-related migration is observed mainly in South Asia, the Pacific and Africa.

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        Attitudes of the International Community toward Iran's Nuclear Puzzle

        Zehra Nilufer Karacasulu,Irem askar Karakir 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2008 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.15 No.2

        This article aims to interrogate the attitudes of the US, the EU/EU-3, Russia and China, on Iran's nuclear programme. The underlying question is whether there can be a consensus in the international community for a comprehensive settlement. In trying to provide answer to this question first, the article briefly reviews Iranian motives and foreign assistance in the development of Iran's nuclear programme. Secondly, focusing separately on the US, the EU/EU-3, Russia and China, a comparative analysis is employed for delineating similarities and differences in their attitudes and concerns since the 1979 Iranian Revolution. This article arrived at a tentative conclusion on the basis that the debate is likely to continue, as there is no common attitude toward Iran's nuclear puzzle in the international community.

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