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Lee, Dong Jin,Lee, Hongkyung,Ryou, Myung-Hyun,Han, Gi-Beom,Lee, Je-Nam,Song, Jongchan,Choi, Jaecheol,Cho, Kuk Young,Lee, Yong Min,Park, Jung-Ki American Chemical Society 2013 ACS APPLIED MATERIALS & INTERFACES Vol.5 No.22
<P>Mesoporous silicon nanofibers (m-SiNFs) have been fabricated using a simple and scalable method via electrospinning and reduction with magnesium. The prepared m-SiNFs have a unique structure in which clusters of the primary Si nanoparticles interconnect to form a secondary three-dimensional mesoporous structure. Although only a few nanosized primary Si particles lead to faster electronic and Li<SUP>+</SUP> ion diffusion compared to tens of nanosized Si, the secondary nanofiber structure (a few micrometers in length) results in the uniform distribution of the nanoparticles, allowing for the easy fabrication of electrodes. Moreover, these m-SiNFs exhibit impressive electrochemical characteristics when used as the anode materials in lithium ion batteries (LIBs). These include a high reversible capacity of 2846.7 mAh g<SUP>–1</SUP> at a current density of 0.1 A g<SUP>–1</SUP>, a stable capacity retention of 89.4% at a 1 C rate (2 A g<SUP>–1</SUP>) for 100 cycles, and a rate capability of 1214.0 mAh g<SUP>–1</SUP> (at 18 C rate for a discharge time of ∼3 min).</P><P><B>Graphic Abstract</B> <IMG SRC='http://pubs.acs.org/appl/literatum/publisher/achs/journals/content/aamick/2013/aamick.2013.5.issue-22/am403798a/production/images/medium/am-2013-03798a_0006.gif'></P><P><A href='http://pubs.acs.org/doi/suppl/10.1021/am403798a'>ACS Electronic Supporting Info</A></P>
On Wh-Movement and Wh-in-situ?
Jaecheol Lee 현대문법학회 2005 현대문법연구 Vol.40 No.-
This paper will argue that the scopal feature [Q] only lies in wh-words in English while it resides in both wh-words and an interrogative C in Korean, Japanese, and Chinese. The absence of the scopal feature [Q] in an interrogative C in English motivates wh-movement of a wh-word to Spec,CP by the need of scope marking of it rather than by the need of wh-feature checking of it. On the other hand, the presence of the scopal feature [Q] in an interrogative C in Korean, Japanese, and Chinese will make it unnecessary for a wh-word to move to Spec,CP; the scope of the wh-word in such languages is determined by the valuation of the probe u[Q] in an interrogative C rather than by the checking of the goal [Q] in a wh-word. Under this approach, the wh-feature checking will take place in situ in Korean/Japanese/Chinese (i.e., for the identification of a wh-word as WH), as well as in English (i.e., for the identification of C as a +wh+Q), by means of Agree.
The Intervention Effects and the Typology of Wh-Specifiers
Jaecheol Lee 현대문법학회 2000 현대문법연구 Vol.20 No.-
In this paper, we examine whether the tax-paying strategy proposed by Norvin (1998) is justified in both the Wh-feature movement and the phrasal Wh-movement. Following the tax-paying strategy, once the first instance of movement to α has obeyed Attract Closest(AC), the other instances of movement to α need not satisfy it since the first operation to α has already paid AC tax. We assume that Wh-phrasal movement pays AC tax and Subjacency tax while Wh-feature movement pays only AC tax. They are supported by the following facts.: (i) multiple Wh-questions in Bulgarian, or (ii) the Superiority effects, Island phenomena and Weak Crossover constructions in English. We argue that the typology of Wh-Comlementizers play a crucial role in explaining the multiple questions in Bulgarian and English, the lack of the Superiority effects in German, and the Intervention effects in Korean and Japanese. Finally, we argue that the scope-bearing elements such as negations and quantifiers induce the Intervention effects only when they cause the separation construction of Wh-phrase through the Wh-feature movement or the Wh-operator movement without Pied-Piping of the whole DP. They are evidenced by the data in English, Korean, and Japanese.
The Structure and Feature-Checking of Wh-phrases
Jaecheol Lee 현대문법학회 2011 현대문법연구 Vol.63 No.-
This paper suggests that wh-arguments such as who and what are DP-arguments, whereas a wh-adjunct why is an NP-adverbial (introduced by a null preposition). Under this proposal, it will be claimed that wh-arguments can check the u[Wh] within the DP without movement due to the presence of the head D bearing the [Q], whereas a wh-adjunct why must move to check its u[Wh] due to lack of the D. This claim will be illustrated by the asymmetry arising between wh-arguments and wh-adjunct why in the Islands in Korean/Japanese, supporting that the Phase Impenetrability Condition constrains covert wh-movement as well as overt wh-movement.
On Labeling: T-to-C Movement and Wh-Movement
Jaecheol Lee 한국생성문법학회 2009 생성문법연구 Vol.19 No.3
This paper will show that the labeling algorithms can deal with syntactic phenomena such as the Aux-inversion, the that-t effect and the subject condition effect. That will make it possible for these syntactic constraints to be discarded. It will be argued that the T-to-C movement must precede the wh-movement to block the possibility of the mislabeling. After the wh-movement taking place, the subsequent T-to-C head movement to the root inevitably results in the mislabeling issue because the moved head (T) has an ability to be projected to the TP that cannot be properly interpreted as the interrogative (CP). Moreover, the head movement after the wh-movement prevents the m-merger from occurring because of the intervening wh-element between the two heads.
A Locality Condition on AGREE and Multiple AGREE
Lee, Jaecheol The Korean Association for the Study of English La 2003 영어학 Vol.3 No.1
This paper argues that AGREE and Multiple AGREE are not distinct, and they are constrained by a single Minimality condition. It is argued, contra Chomsky (2001) and Hiraiwa (2000), that Multiple AGREE takes place not simultaneously but sequentially on the basis of a Minimality Condition. That makes it possible to assimilate Multiple AGREE to AGREE.